Saturday, April 30, 2016

Then & Now: Union burial crew on Miller Farm at Antietam

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Once the Battle of Antietam was over on Sept. 17, 1862, the Union army faced the enormous task of burying the dead. Understandably, they focused mostly on their own dead before turning to those of the enemy, which crossed the Potomac River into Virginia on the night of September 18.

The task was onerous.

"The Rebs pretended to bury their dead," 124th Pennsylvania Sergeant Charles Broomhall  noted in his diary on September 19, "but they buried so some said 500. There were a great many left unburied and where they were exposed to the sun they were as black as darkies."

A bucket on the unusual 90th Pennsylvania monument on
Cornfield Avenue at Antietam. The monument is a
replacement for the original that was dismantled
 in 1930.  Read more about the monument here.
Wrote George Noyes, a member of Union General Abner Doubleday's staff:
Can it be that these are the bodies of our late antagonists? Their faces are so absolutely black that I said to myself at first, this must have been a negro regiment. Their eyes are protruding from the sockets; their heads, hands, and limbs are swollen to twice their natural size. Ah! there is little left to awaken our sympathy, for all those vestiges of our common humanity which touch the sympathetic chord are now quite blotted out.
To produce the image above, Alexander Gardner persuaded a five-man Union burial crew to halt interring Rebel dead on David R. Miller's farm for perhaps as long as 15-20 minutes, certainly no small task given the bodies had lain on the field for two days. Some burial crews resorted to drinking copious amounts of alcohol because the smell of the bodies was so terrible. This Gardner image, of course, was first expertly dissected by William Frassanito in his ground-breaking 1978 book, Antietam: The  Photographic Legacy of America's Bloodiest Day.

I've passed the Gardner photo site just off Cornfield Avenue scores of times over the years, rarely stopping long enough to ponder it. On a Then & Now photography mission during my Civil War Power Tour this week, I aimed to duplicate Gardner's 1862 image with a tool Alexander would have loved: my iPhone 6. At the far right rock outcropping, approximately where the burial crew member stood in 1862, I also examined the unusual 90th Pennsylvania monument, a re-creation of the original stack of muskets that was dismantled in 1930. Three simple words on the monument bucket aptly describe the fighting on the Miller Farm:

A Hot Place.

For all the Then & Now images on my blog, go here.

SOURCE:

124th Pennsylvania Sergeant Charles Broomhall diary, Brian Downey's Antietam on the Web, accessed April 30, 2016.

Friday, April 29, 2016

Then & Now: Iconic shot of kids, soldiers at Sudley Springs Ford


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In an iconic Civil War photograph, seven Yankee cavalrymen astride horses and two boys in Confederate attire face off across Sudley Springs Ford while two young girls sit nearby on the banks of Catharpin Run. You've probably seen the image by Connecticut-born photographer George Barnard scores of times.

Last Saturday, I joined nearly 60 other Civil War enthusiasts for a more than eight-hour tour of the First Bull Run field, led by the National Park Service's John Hennessy, who literally wrote the book on the battle. Ignoring a steady downpour, we gathered on the Catharpin Run bank, near the spot where Barnard shot the image in March 1862. Eight months earlier,  more than 13,000 Union soldiers had used the ford en route to attack the Confederates' left flank at First Bull Run.

As my "Now" image clearly shows, the landscape is much more wooded than it was in 1862. But interesting remnants from more than 154 years ago are readily apparent. To the left of the soldiers in the photo, check out the stone structure, the remains of which can still be seen in the present-day image. I love that stuff.

Of course, what makes this photo most compelling is the children. In this post on the "Fredericksburg Remembered" blog, Hennessy explained why he believes the youngsters in the image almost certainly are the children of John Thornberry, whose humble dwelling near the ford was used as Federal field hospital at First Bull Run. The two boys in Barnard's photo above also appear in his image of the Thornberry house, which still stands today. (A private in the 49th Virginia, Thornberry was wounded at Bull Run and knocked out of the war.)

According to a 1936 account by one of Thornberry's daughters, 10 wounded soldiers bled to death in her mother's bedroom of that house. Second Rhode Island Major Sullivan Ballou of Ken Burns' Civil War TV series fame died from his First Bull Run wound on Thornberry's property.

"Carpets and all furniture were out and gone," recalled Laura Thornberry, probably the girl at left in the image above. "We never saw any of it again, or anything else.  The old farm well in the back yard was almost full of everything that would go in it. ... Of course everything was broken.  How we all cried over it; and no prospects of replacing any of it."

For all the Then & Now images on my blog, go here. Click on all images below to enlarge.

A cropped enlargement of the original image shows the youngsters in more detail.
The remains of the structure at left may be seen today.
George Barnard's March 1862 image of the Thornberry house near Sudley Ford.
(Library of Congress collection)
A cropped enlargement of the Thornberry house photo shows the boys in more detail.
The Thornberry house today.  From 1871-1903, the building served as the Sudley, Va., post office.
(For more on the history of the building, go here.)

Numbers on granite blocks: Union unknowns in Fredericksburg

In Fredericksburg (Va.) National Cemetery, the remains of 17 Union soldiers, all unknown, 
are buried under these markers. The second number on each marker denotes bodies in each grave.
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In life, Harvey Tucker was a farmer and blacksmith from northeastern Michigan. He had gray eyes, dark hair, a swarthy complexion and stood 5-7. Married in 1852, Tucker and his wife Lovina had four children 7 or younger by 1860.

On Sept. 10, 1862, Tucker enlisted in the Union army as a private in the 6th Michigan Cavalry, eventually rising through the ranks to corporal and then sergeant in February 1864. Surely aware by the spring of 1864 of the danger he faced as the opposing armies slugged it out near Fredericksburg, Va., Tucker was wounded through the hip during the brutal Battle of the Wilderness on May 6. Two weeks later, on his 12th wedding anniversary, he died of his wounds in an army hospital in Fredericksburg.

He was 37.

After his death, Tucker's body was placed in a coffin and buried in a soldiers' graveyard on Winchester Street. His name and rank were carved into a crude, wooden headboard. As he was laid to rest, the regimental chaplain noted, soldiers and a detachment of grave diggers uncovered their heads and stood in silence.

A post-war view of Fredericksburg National Cemetery.
The wooden markers were eventually replaced by stone markers.
(Courtesy Central Virginia Battlefields Trust)
In a massive Federal effort shortly after the war, remains of Union soldiers in the ravaged region were gathered and buried in a national cemetery completed in 1869 on Marye's Heights, a Rebel stronghold during the Battle of Fredericksburg in December 1862. The remains of Tucker and 327 other Union soldiers buried in the graveyard on Winchester Street were among them.  The wooden headboard that once marked the Michigan sergeant's grave there likely had deteriorated or perhaps was used by fuel by local citizens. Without an ID disc or any other means to identify him, Tucker joined a long list of unknowns.

In the terraced national cemetery, graves of identified soldiers such as 6th New Hampshire Lieutenant colonel Henry Pearson are marked by rounded granite headstones. Graves of unknown soldiers are marked by small, square granite stones. The top number identifies the plot; the bottom number denotes the number of soldiers buried in the plot.

In death, Harvey Tucker became only a number.

Before the heavens opened up Wednesday morning, I shot photographs of  markers of  the unknowns. There was no shortage of subject matter. Of the 15,243 Union soldiers buried in Fredericksburg National Cemetery, 12,770 are unknown.

Thousands of Harvey Tuckers. 

Four soldiers' remains are buried in Plot No. 1690

Six are buried in Plot No. 3626.

Seven are buried in Plot No. 1687.

Eight are buried under Plot No. 3900.

In the immediate area of Pearson's grave, nearly all the soldiers are unknown.

Walk the grounds of the cemetery someday. It will open your eyes.

Remains of 43 unknown Union soldiers are buried under these 12 markers.

-- Have something to add (or correct) in this post? E-mail me here.


SOURCES:

-- 1860 U.S. census.
-- Harvey Tucker's widow's pension file via fold3.com National Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C.
---Harrison, Noel G., Military Images Magazine, "Victims and Survivors: New Perspectives on Fredericksburg's May 1864 Photographs," November-December 1998.

Thursday, April 28, 2016

From Antietam to The Wilderness, a memorable Power Tour

A backdrop of a field of buttercups at Ellwood Manor, where Stonewall Jackson's arm is buried.
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And so my week-long Civil War Power Tour has ended. The final tally shows three states visited, six battlefields toured, nearly 45 miles hiked and more than 1,000 road miles logged. The special moments? Ah, those were numerous.

I was moved by the deep-purple violets in front of the graves of Connecticut soldiers at Antietam National Cemetery and the seemingly endless fields of buttercups at Ellwood Manor, the final resting place of Stonewall Jackson's amputated left arm. I stuck my head through the trapdoor hatch at the Philip Pry House to see what Union commanders may have seen while fighting raged in the West Woods at Antietam, and listened to the crunch, crunch, crunch of gravel as I walked behind the infamous stone wall at Fredericksburg.

While trudging just after dawn through The Wilderness forest near Saunders Field, where fighting raged in early May 1864, I had the eerie feeling that I wasn't alone. I don't believe in ghosts, but there is something deeply spiritual about that place. I huffed and puffed my way to the Maryland Heights overlook for a spectacular view of  Harpers Ferry, W.Va., and felt like I was on top of the world. Do yourself a favor and make that trip.

Violets in front of the grave of a Connecticut soldier at Antietam National Cemetery.
The fabulous view of Harpers Ferry, W.Va.. from Maryland Heights.
In the woods near Sudley Church at Manassas, a group of nearly 60 of us Civil War fanatics stared at unusual depressions in the ground. Those likely were once the temporary graves of Union soldiers, said tour leader John Hennessy of the National Park Service. One of John's favorite places, it was a poignant scene in a trip full of them. I want to go back there.

But this trip was especially about people. In a hotel in Hagerstown, Md., a tall, slender man and I laughed about the names Southerners and Northerners call a certain battle in western Maryland. Is it "Sharpsburg" or really "Antietam"? Don't laugh: More than 150 years later it's still debated. For our First Battle of Bull Run tour, a gentleman told me he left Connecticut at 3 in the morning to get there by 9 a.m. And when the seven-hour tour was over, he headed right back home. That's crazy... in a cool sort of way.

A landscaper named Joe and I trekked through the woods and a clearing to see where Jackson's arm had been amputated in 1863. Peaceful today, that scene near Wilderness Tavern was awful more than 150 years ago, when thousands of wounded Rebels were treated there after Chancellorsville. I closed my eyes and tried to imagine it.

Leaves mask depressions that likely were once graves for Union soldiers in the woods at Manassas.
The Wilderness, near where Confederate General Leroy Stafford was mortally wounded.
I drank beer and swapped war stories (literally) in Fredericksburg with Civil War photo expert John Cummings and his friend, James. Afterward, John pointed out the location just blocks away of a graveyard in 1864 for Union soldiers, many of whom were victims of the brutal fighting throughout that war-torn area. Long gone, the burial site today is partially in  the back yard of a house painted blue. There's a child's play set there now..

Unfortunately, I didn't get to speak with the man who sat in the grass at Fredericksburg National Cemetery. Deep in thought, he had just completed shooting close-ups of a grave of a Union soldier. More than 15,000 Union soldiers, most of them unknown, are buried in the terraced cemetery on Marye's Heights, which once was dotted with Rebel artillery.

Do yourself another favor: Visit there, too.

And most of all this trip was about Henry Pearson. Mortally wounded at the Battle of North Anna River in 1864, the lieutenant colonel in the 6th New Hampshire was only 24 years old, just three years older than our eldest daughter. I had goosebumps as I walked the pathway in the national cemetery in Fredericksburg to place a tintype of him next to his grave there. Let's not forget young Henry and thousands of others like him.

Henry Pearson "returned" to his gravesite at Fredericksburg (Va.) National Cemetery.

Tuesday, April 26, 2016

6th New Hampshire officer Henry Pearson 'returns' to his grave

On a muggy spring morning, I returned to Henry Pearson's grave with a war-time tintype of him.
(CLICK ON IMAGES TO ENLARGE.)
 Henry Pearson is buried under Grave No. 4103 at Fredericksburg (Va.) National Cemetery.
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Sometime during the Civil War, maybe shortly after he joined in the Union army, Henry Pearson posed in a studio for a tintype photograph. Grasping a long sword, the boyish-looking soldier with neatly combed hair stood proudly in his officer's uniform.

Perhaps the image was meant as a keepsake for his parents, a girlfriend or other loved ones. Somehow the photograph left the family, passing from Civil War collector to who-knows-where to auction house to another collector ... until it ended up with me. I bought it for a small price on eBay several weeks ago with the hope of finding out much more about Pearson.

Sadly, Henry did not survive the war. A lieutenant colonel in the 6th New Hampshire, the 24-year-old officer was mortally wounded at North Anna River in Virginia on May 26, 1864. Pearson's body was placed by comrades in a large, wooden box found at a nearby abandoned residence and hastily buried, the soldier's gravesite marked with his name on a piece of a bread box. Then "... we left him alone," another officer noted, "in his glory."

After the war, Pearson's remains were recovered and reburied in the national cemetery in Fredericksburg, Va. -- one of more than 15,000 Union soldiers buried in the beautiful grounds on Marye's Heights. This morning, the image of Henry returned for a visit to Pearson's final resting place, a small way to honor a young man who made the ultimate sacrifice.


Pearson, 24, was mortally wounded at North Anna River on May 26, 1864.

-- Have something to add (or correct) in this post? E-mail me here.

Sunday, April 24, 2016

Antietam gallery: An artful look at the battlefield

Armed with an iPhone 6 and blessed with a beautiful day, I shot these images today at Antietam. Click here and here for more of my Antietam galleries.
William Roulette farmhouse through a knothole in nearby barn.
124th Pennsylvania monument.
A flag on a fence rail at Bloody Lane.
William McKinley monument near Burnside Bridge.
Close-up of mouth of a cannon.
Plaque on the 5th Maryland monument near Bloody Lane.
The observation tower on Bloody Lane appears in the distance in an opening in the Roulette barn.
Confederate artillery position near Harpers Ferry Road.
130th Pennsylvania  monument near the lip of Bloody Lane.
Light streams into the William Roulette barn.
Farmer William Roulette emerged through his basement door during the battle to implore
Union soldiers to "drive" the Rebels.
Cannon, a deep-blue sky and a field of green.
Violets in front of the grave of a Connecticut soldier at Antietam National Cemetery.

Tuesday, April 19, 2016

John Brown's birthplace before its destruction by fire

Visitors pose at John Brown's birthplace in these circa-1900 photographs.
(Courtesy Torrington Historical Society)
(Courtesy Torrington Historical Society)

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Before a chimney fire destroyed John Brown's birthplace in 1918, the house near Torrington, Conn., was quite the tourist attraction. Visitors often posed for photos in front of the late-18th century dwelling, and postcards of the 2 1/2-story building were sold throughout the country. 

As you can see in the video below that I shot last week, the site is a little less popular today — I was the only soul on the property in the forest clearing just off John Brown Road.

Only foundation stones remain for the house and a small outbuilding nearby; in the middle of the foundation outline, you'll find a large block of granite with Brown's birthdate — May 9, 1800 — carved in the center. 

The 40-acre site is owned today by the Torrington (Conn.) Historical Society, which has added an interpretive marker for a trail that winds through the woods behind Brown's birthplace.


Sunday, April 10, 2016

'Best and bravest': Private Erastus Kinsel's ordeal at Antietam

East Woods at Antietam at sunrise: Private Erastus Kinsel may have been wounded near here.
Another view of the replanted East Woods,  where Erastus Kinsel may have been wounded.
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On Sept. 22, 1901, citizens throughout Blair County traveled to a cemetery in rural Antis Township, Pa., for the dedication of a war memorial to honor soldiers who were buried there. After a prayer, the monument was unveiled and patriotic speeches were delivered -- including one by a 125th Pennsylvania veteran, who noted the death by assassin's bullets eight days earlier of President William McKinley, a Civil War veteran himself.

Josiah Hicks: The former Congressman
spoke of  Erastus Kinsel's death
at the unveiling of a memorial in 1901.
Former U.S. congressman Josiah D. Hicks, who served as a private in the regiment, also "carried his hearers into some of the dreadful scenes of that struggle," the local newspaper reported the next day, in reference to the Great Rebellion. Another speaker called the cemetery, where 40 soldiers from Antis Township from all American wars lie buried, "sacred ground."

After a list of local men who had fallen in battle was read, a reverend spoke of "the courage and discipline of a soldier -- of his intelligence" and the need to be "worthy successors and worthy descendants of the heroes who preserved for us this country." A man from nearby Bellwood sang a solo version of  Mr. Volunteer, and the crowd later burst out in unison with a rendition of  America.

The nearly 10-foot memorial made of American marble was the brainchild of a local dentist, John M. Kinsel, who not only paid for it with $150 out of his own pocket but designed it, too. The account in the Altoona (Pa.) Tribune made no mention of any speech given that early fall day by Dr. Kinsel, who, as a 17-year-old 39 years earlier, had enlisted in the 125th Pennsylvania. The veteran may have left all the reminiscing to Hicks, who made special mention during his speech of the Civil War sacrifice of another soldier in the 125th Pennsylvania: Erastus Kinsel, John's father.

Even after the passage of more than four decades, a deep family wound may have been too fresh for the 56-year-old dentist.

On Sept. 17, 1862, John and Erastus fought side-by-side in Company A at Antietam, the 125th Pennsylvania's first battle of the war. The elder Kinsel, 40, suffered numerous bullet wounds -- he was one of more than 200 casualties in the 125th Pennsylvania that awful day -- and lay between the lines in no-man's land until he was carried from the field the next morning by comrades.

Erastus and Christinia Kinsel had six children, according to the 1860 U.S. census. (fold3.com)
John and Erastus Kinsel enlisted in the Union army in early August 1862, a little more than a month after President Lincoln's call for 300,000 volunteers. John was the second-eldest child of Christinia and Erastus Kinsel, a day laborer whose personal estate was valued at a modest $150, according to the 1860 census. The Kinsels had five other children, according to the census-taker: Susan, 16; George, 12; Thomas, 10, James, 8; and Rebecca, 6.

One can only imagine Christinia's anxiety when her eldest son and the husband with whom she had been married for more than 19 years left for Camp Curtin in Harrisburg. There they would briefly be trained in how to fire a weapon, how to march and other finer points of army life before they were sent to serve in the defenses of Washington and then on to join the Army of the Potomac. Because the 125th Pennsylvania was a nine-month regiment, perhaps Christinia held out hope that John and Erastus soon would return.

But the war's outcome was anything but certain that summer.

In June and early July 1862, the Army of Northern Virginia under its new commander, Robert E. Lee, had beaten back the Union army's attempt to take Richmond. In August, Lee's army was preparing to take the war north. In response to the Rebel army's crossing of the Potomac River into Maryland in early September 1862, the 125th Pennsylvania marched from Washington to Frederick, Md., and on to Sharpsburg. Early on the morning of September 17, the Pennsylvania boys were sent into action.

                 125th Pennsylvania entered the West Woods behind the Dunker Church.
The 125th Pennsylvania fought in the East Woods (4), through the infamous Bloody Cornfield at left
 and into the West Woods before it was forced to retreat. The Smoketown Road (1) is at right.
(The Maryland Campaign and The Battle of Antietam, Miles Clayton Huyette, 1915)
West Woods: 125th Pennsylvania suffered most of its casualties here.
       7th Michigan, 125th Pennsylvania and 34th New York fought here in West Woods.

Exactly where and when Kinsel was severely wounded at Antietam is unknown. He may have been shot in the East Woods, where the regiment was heavily engaged. Or more likely it was near the Dunker Church, where the 125th Pennsylvania entered the West Woods before it was smashed by a vicious Rebel counterattack. "On looking around and finding no support in sight," the regiment's colonel wrote of the fighting there, "I was compelled to retire. Had I remained in my position two minutes longer I would have lost my whole command."

In any case, Erastus suffered his first wounds "in the hottest of the fight" when two bullets struck him at nearly the same time -- one in the hip that caused a wound  "at least one inch and half in depth and five inches in length," according to Dr. Andrew P. Calderwood, the family physician, who first examined Kinsel a little more than a month after his wounding. Another bullet crashed into Erastus' right leg, just below the knee, and smashed into his left leg.

Pennsylvania Gov. Andrew Curtin gave Kinsel
an "open  furlough" to return home to recover 

from his Antietam wounds.
(Library of Congress)
"At this juncture he fell," Calderwood noted. "Our lines fell back. He loaded his gun for the purpose of shooting a rebel that he observed close by picking off our men. He had turned his face to the advancing Rebels, and while resting upon his elbow and in the act of putting on a cap, [another] ball struck him immediately ... at the left collar bone, passed down underneath the shoulder blade, crossed the vertebrae and was cut out at upper portion of hip bone." A bullet wound through Kinsel's right calf caused the inflammation of nearly his entire leg, the doctor wrote, and nearly caused his death.

Erastus was initially taken to a makeshift field hospital, where his wounds were dressed, before he was transferred to Franklin Hall hospital in Chambersburg, Pa., about 40 miles north. Two weeks after Antietam, he was overcome by bacterial infection in the wound in his right leg, leaving him "completely prostrated." Word of his condition reached Pennsylvania Gov. Andrew Curtin, who had known Erastus since he was a boy. The governor gave Kinsel an "open furlough" on October 17, one month after Antietam, allowing him to recover at his home in Blair Furnace, Pa., near Altoona.

Transported on a stretcher, Kinsel was "extremely low" when he arrived home, noted Calderwood, who added:
We were compelled to give him the strongest stimulants & tonics for several weeks after his arrival. Owing to his great loss of blood, the severe attack of Erysipelas and great extent of granulating surfaces his aneameia [sic] was extreme. Notwithstanding he was secured every attention, good diet, best tonics and the attendance of a faithful, self-sacrificing companion and my careful attention, the improvement was very slow.
By March 1863, Erastus still suffered from his many wounds. He needed a crutch and/or cane to move about. Pieces of bone worked their way out of his injured left leg. Despite his plight, Kinsel was preparing to visit Gov. Curtin in Harrisburg, but "no one considered him able for the journey," Calderwood noted. An examination by another doctor in late March revealed new health problems -- Kinsel had developed a severe fever, "which developed itself in smallpox" three days later.

"He was quite debilitated," the physician noted, "from the wounds he had received at the battle of Antietam, one of which (in the hip) was still painful." On April 5, 1863, nearly seven months after he was wounded, Kinsel died at his home. For at least two days, Kinsel's remains lay in his house, apparently untouched because of the fear of the spread of smallpox.

"It is sickening, and appears inhuman," the Altoona Tribune reported on April 7, 1863, "when we view the case and think of the situation of his family, and yet we cannot blame those who have never had the disease for not going to inter him, as it would be almost certain contagion, but we think there might be those who have passed through it who would be willing to undertake the task."

Pension file document signed July 31, 1863, by Kinsel's commanding officer, Francis Bell, who 
noted the private  received a furlough to go home to recover from his Antietam wounds. 
(National Archives via fold3.com)
Christinia Kinsel was not entitled to a widow's pension, according to a government bureaucrat.
(CLICK ON IMAGES TO ENLARGE)
A special act passed by
Congress in the winter of 1868 approved
a pension for Rebecca Kinsel, Erastus'
youngest daughter. (fold3.com)
In July 1863, Christinia began the slow process of obtaining a widow's pension from the government. The two local doctors who had examined Kinsel before he died strongly supported her claim:

"I firmly believe he would have recovered had it not been for greatly impaired state of the system from loss of blood and exposure on the field," one of them noted.

"I stated in my previous letter, and I will repeat the same again that it was the impoverished or anemic condition of the blood that rendered him an easy victim to small pox," Calderwood said. "These are the facts. Any number of witnesses can be added if required. I have no interest in this matter except that of humanity and to aid in having justice done. My dear sir allow me to assure you that you could not have a more deserving a case."

But the claim initially was rejected. Erastus had died of "small pox, a disease not contracted in the line of duty," a government bureaucrat wrote, "[and]  the widow is not entitled to a pension according to the strict rendition of the law.".

The case dragged on.

In late winter 1868, the plight of the Kinsels came to the attention of Congress, which passed a special act on February 21 finally approving Christinia's claim. Her youngest child, 14-year-old Rebecca, was also approved to receive $8-a-month assistance from the government.

A little more than two weeks later, on March 10, 1868, Christinia Kinsel died. She was buried in Antis Cemetery near her husband -- one of the "best and bravest of men" -- who had been severely wounded at Antietam more than five years earlier. **


(Do you have a photo of Eratus, John or Christinia Kinsel? E-mail me here.)

Erastus Kinsel's marker in Antis Cemetery, near Altoona, Pa. (Find A Grave)
** "best and bravest of men" reference from Dr. Andrew Calderwood affidavit on March 29, 1864, in Kinsel widow's pension file.

SOURCES:

--1860 U.S. Federal census

Erastus Kinsel pension file documents (National Archives via fold3.com)
-- 125th Pennsylvania Captain Francis M. Bell affidavit, July 31, 1863
-- Dr. Andrew P. Calderwood affidavit, March 29, 1864
-- Unknown doctor's affidavit, possibly J.M. Mcbey, April 2, 1864
-- Dr. Andrew P. Calderwood affidavit, Unknown date in 1867

--Altoona (Pa.) Journal, Sept. 23, 1901

Thursday, April 07, 2016

Ten months after Antietam: Graves, skulls and 'waste of war'

In  an  image shot days after Antietam, a Federal soldier stands by the grave of a Michigan
soldier and body of a Rebel.  Ten months later,  the battlefield was littered with the detritus of war. 
(Alexander Gardner/Library of Congress)

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Nearly 10 months after Antietam, the landscape surrounding Sharpsburg, Md., remained scarred. Bones of hastily buried soldiers poked from the ground. "Sickening to the sight," skulls appeared "here and there," according to a battlefield visitor. The detritus of war—knapsacks, caps, bullets, artillery shells, shoes, boots, haversacks—also littered fields and woodlots, the same visitor noted. The white-washed Dunker Church, the most notable building on the battlefield, remained pockmarked by bullets and artillery fire.
The Antietam battlefield visitor's letter
a
ppeared in the Gallipolis (Ohio) Journal
and other newspapers in 1863.

On July 15, 1863, the battlefield visitor, probably a soldier from a Massachusetts regiment, wrote a letter to editor of the Boston Journal about his summer day spent at Antietam. The letter, full of vivid descriptions of the battle on Sept. 17, 1862 , as well as the war's lingering effects at Antietam,  was published in the Journal and in newspapers as far away as Ohio. The writer's descriptions of visits to the graves of Union soldiers are especially poignant.  

"It is fresh and green," he wrote about the grave of Prescott Remick at the Smoketown Hospital cemetery near the battlefield. "Its roots are creeping down to the coffin lid, and will draw its nourishment from the mouldering form beneath. Another year and the crimson flowers will bloom with rarest beauty and richest fragrance."

A 19-year-old private in the 2nd Massachusetts, Remick died on Sept. 27, 1862, 10 days after the battle. His brother, 23-year-old Benjamin, also a private in the 2nd Massachusetts, was killed at Antietam. An excerpt from a letter from Prescott's company commander describing the private's wounding at Antietam, and a Wisconsin soldier's letter to Remick's father written three days before his son's death appear below. Both are part of Remick's pension file, available at the National Archives in Washington and online at fold3.com.

The battlefield visitor's letter appears as it was published in the Gallipolis (Ohio) Journal on Sept. 3, 1863.

A DAY AT ANTIETAM

The army is on the march to-day toward Harper's Ferry. Instead of keeping pace with the columns, I have turned aside for a visit to the field of Antietam. The battle was fought on the 17th of September, last year. Ten months have passed. The leaves of autumn have fallen, the snows of winter, and the rains of summer. It will be interesting to take a look at the field, to note how far time has repaired the desolation—how far nature, with its ceaseless round of change, its growth and decay of leaves, fruits, and flowers, has repaired the waste of war.

THE HOSPITAL CEMETERY

2nd Massachusetts Private Prescott Remick, 19, died at the Hoffman Farm Hospital. 
He was re-interred at the Smoketown Hospital cemetery near the battlefield.

On a by-road leading from Benevola to Sharpsburg, two miles east of the battle-field, I came unexpectedly upon the cemetery, where rest the remains of those who died in the general hospital. It is a small enclosure taken from a clover field. Between it and the road is a shady grove of oaks—old trees that have swayed in the winds of hundreds of winters. The shade on this summer morning is calm, deep and holy. From the field there is the odor of clover blossoms. There is not wanting the hum of bees and the songs of birds to lend a charm to the hour. The paling is neatly whitewashed which surrounds the consecrated spot.

Private Prescott Remick's grave at
Antietam National Cemetery
(Find A Grave)
There are a hundred and fifty-nine graves, each with its rounded, white headboard, and rude lettering, with name, company and regiment of the dead. A loving heart, a faithful hand has planted a rose bush above the dust of Prescott Remic, of Company G, 2nd Massachusetts. It is fresh and green; its roots are creeping down to the coffin lid, and will draw its nourishment from the mouldering form beneath. Another year and the crimson flower will bloom with rarest beauty and richest fragrance. (See letter to Remick's father below.)

Lillies are in flower above the remains of Eli Shafer, of the 2nd New Hampshire, and all around are the field daisies, fresher and fairer than those by the wayside and in the fields. So nothing is lost in death. Beauty reappears. The lillies will fade and wither in turn, and become food for other forms of life. The eternal round of things will go on till the last when time shall become eternity.

In the centre of the enclosure is a wooden monument with these inscriptions:

Erected in memory of the Union soldiers who died of wounds received in defense of their country, at the battle of Antietam, Sept. 17, 1862."

"Antietam General Hospital, U.S. A.B.A. Vanderkeift, Surgeon in charge."

"The land that is not worth our death is not worth living for."

"I am the resurrection and the life. He that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live."

Lt. John George, Prescott Remick's company commander, wrote that the private was shot through the
 shoulder at Antietam.  Remick's brother, Benjamin, was killed shortly after Prescott was shot. (fold3.com)


THE RIGHT WING


Passing on to the turnpike I came to the farm-house occupied at the time of the battle by Mr. Joseph Poffenberger, now the residence of his nephew. Here was the centre of our right wing. Poffenberger's house is on the east side of the turnpike, fronting west. Behind the house is a high, smooth ridge of land, in blooming clover now, but freshly reaped of wheat at the time of the battle. The Rebels occupied this ridge in the morning, but Hooker pushed them back. There he planted five batteries, which thundered through the day. I well remember the attempt of the Rebels in the afternoon to regain this ridge, how they came down into the cornfield, west of the turnpike, under cover of the fire of their batteries. Hooker, Dana, Sedgwick, Hartsuff, Richardson, Mansfield, all general officers, had been carried from the field wounded. Howard was here on the ridge near Poffenberger's barn, in command. "Give them the heaviest fire possible," said he. How those thirty pieces opened. Crash! crash! crash! How those gray masses waved, reeled, staggered, swayed, to and fro, and then fled!

What a scene there was in Poffenberger's door yard, two noble horses killed by a cannon shot, piercing the neck of one and shooting to atoms the head of the other. There, under the pailings of his garden fence lay the dead of the Pennsylvania Reserves. You could have driven a stage coach through the west gable of the house where a shell had ripped an opening. Over in the field, the west side of the turnpike, dead men in gray were thickly fallen, and still further out, along the narrow lane which runs southwest from the turnpike in front of Poffenberger's, they were as thick as leaves of autumn. How the storm howled through these woods -- fiercer than November blasts. A tornado which wrenched off the trunks of oaks big enough for a ship's kelson, riving and splintering like thunderbolts.

There is a mound of stones and a rude head board, the resting place of Lieut-Col. Stottson, of the 69th New York, lying where he fell, among the limestone ledges within a half a dozen rods of the Rebel line of works. Here the trees are thickly spotted all over. (Note: Writer may have meant Lieutenant colonel John Stetson of the 59th New York.)

I remember, the second day after the battle, a wounded horse from a battery which was standing here. It stood waiting death—emaciated, groaning with pain. I remember the beseeching look, the dumb appeal as I passed by—a look of intelligence, its demand for sympathy and help almost human.

If the blows which Hooker gave her had been a little more powerful, or if Mansfield or Sumner had given theirs at the same time, we should have carried those limestone ledges, folded back the Rebel left, and won the day; but it was not so to be.

Here is the debris of the fight -- old boots, shoes, haversacks, belts, clothes—moldy in the dampness of the weeks. You see flattened bullets among the leaves, the fragments of shells and sickening to the sight, here and there skulls upon the ground, and the bleaching bones of horses and men. The Rebels buried in haste, before their retreat, a portion of their dead, to hide their losses. It was a scraping away of leaves and mould—a shallow excavation. The dead were tumbled in, a few shovels full of earth thrown on top, washed off by the first shower, and the molding corpses became food for the swine.


THE DUNKERS' CHURCH

A cropped enlargement of Alexander Gardner's image of the battle-damaged Dunker Church.
(Library of Congress)

“With what tenacity they held this position.

-- letter writer on Rebel artillery battery near the Dunker Church

Passing down the turnpike you come to the Dunkers' church, a small, square brick, one story building in the corner of the woods a mile and a half north of Sharpsburg. Its walls are pock-marked with muskets and rifle bullets. There are great holes where solid shot crashed through, opening where shells tore out the masonry. It is windowless—simply a monument attesting the fierceness of the fight. In front of it was a Rebel battery. At its door-step lay a Major, a Captain and eleven men, all dead. There was the cannon they had fired, silenced—not a man left!

With what tenacity they held this position. How Mansfield's and Sumner's batteries hurled their bolts upon this spot! I remember one uncomfortably near, as I gazed at this church from our line in that cornfield east of the pike, where Generals Green and Williams stood with the two divisions of Mansfield's corps.

While examining this position, Gen. Green and staff rode up. He kindly pointed out the position occupied by his division during the day, and stated what I did not know before now, that in the charge which his troops made, the Rebel line was driven from its position by the church, and from the woods around it. He also said that if he had been properly supported he could have held his ground. I remember the reserve artillery—fifty pieces—which were behind Sumner and Mansfield, and longed to see them thundering upon the church. If they had been put into position the Rebels would have been routed here.

Green and Williams were obliged to fall back. They took position in the field just east of the turnpike, and not in the roads north of Muma's house, as I stated in my account of the battle. There they waited the approach of the enemy—the long lines and dense masses advancing, like the waves of the ocean, to be hurled back broken, like the breakers from the ledges of Nahant. General Green gave the exact position of the lines.

A cropped enlargement of an image of the Mumma farmhouse, burned during the battle.
(Alexander Gardner/Library of Congress)

Tourists, when they visit the battlefield, may find it by taking the road which leads northeast from the Dunkers' church; to go out about sixty rods and look into the northwest and you will have the direction of the line. Here Stonewall Jackson was discomfitted. He had massed his troops in the woods around the church, and moved out to break our centre. Green and Williams stood in silence. "I did not allow my men to fire until they were within a hundred yards, and then the whole Rebel line melted away," said the General, as we surveyed the spot. I remember that volley. It was one long unbroken roll, like the fall of the walls of a great building—a long, loud roll and crash, and then a pattering fire like raindrops on a roof, with the cannon pounding in like hammer strokes from the sledges of Titans.

There by the residence I met Mr. Muma, whose farm buldings were between the two armies. His family fled before the battle to our lines. Our shell set his barn on fire, and the Rebels, to complete the work, applied the torch to his house. His crops were ruined—his fences all destroyed. But he has not set down and pined and moaned at his loss. A new house is up, fences are rebuilt. The place has been busy, and now the reaper is in his fields, cutting the grain, ranker, richer, fertilized with human blood. South of his house is Mr. Rulett's. Here, leading from the house up to the turnpike, is Bloody Lane. Never shall I forget how French on the north, and Richardson on the south swept past Rulett's through the orchard, up the hill to the lane where H. Hill had placed his men—in the natural rifle-pit which the rains of years had made of the roadway, excavating a trench there, four or five feet in depth. What a fearful slaughter of Rebels! You could have walked up the hill stepping upon the dead all the way.

The ground here is strewn with knapsacks, clothing, hats, caps, cartridge boxes—knapsacks mildewed, mouldy—the names of the owners all obliterated, those who wore them gone, most of them to long and silent homes. How terrific the contest in the cornfield beyond, when Kimball's brigade of French's division charged, and, amid the tall stalks and ripening ears of grain, piled the ground with heaps of dead, thrust through with the bayonet! Now the gentle breeze of the morning rustles the bearded grain -- sweet music! it is peaceful here today. A stranger would hardly discover that so terrible a conflict had been waged within a year. Time, always a waster, is also a repairer; if he wounds, he also heals.

THE BURNSIDE BRIDGE

Soldiers stand on Burnside Bridge in this cropped enlargement of  an 1862 post-battle image.
(Library of Congress)

Passing through a gate crossing Boonsboro's and Sharpsburg's pike, I reached the road leading from Sharpsburg to Burnside Bridge. One must see the ground to appreciate the valor of the troops. You see a bridge twelve feet wide and one hundred and fifty feet ling. As you cross it from the east you come against a bank so steep you can hardly climb it. Oak trees shade it. At the top is a stone wall; midway up is an excavation where limestone has been quarried, and you stand by the wall and look down a hundred feet into the river, so near that you can toss a pebble from the wall into the water. Locate here Rebels behind the rail fences, in the excavation, behind the trees, behind rocks, four pieces of artillery, to rake the bridge—sharpshooters at the foot of the hill along the river bank, under the willows, to fire upon the flank of an advancing column. Away up on the high hills beyond are the Rebel batteries in semi circle, pouring their fire down into the valley. Yet against all this the men of Burnside force their way over the bridge, up the hill, driving the Rebels from the oaks, from the excavation, from the walls and the fences, men, some of whom like the 35th Massachusetts, are but a month from their farms and workshops!

I walked all over the ground, examining the positions, and wondered that a feeble force could accomplish so much. I am not versed in military science, and have only common sense to guide me, but I was not able to see at the time of the battle, neither am I able to discover the value of this bridge, or the necessity of carrying it. The hills south of Sharpsburg command it. To make it of any value they must also be carried.

The second struggle was necessarily harder than the first, and there we failed. Burnside had not men enough to accomplish his object. He has been blamed for not making the attack earlier in the morning, but in his testimony before the Committee of Congress he testifies that the attack was made as soon as he received the order -- about half past 10, and that the bridge was carried at 1 0'clock.

In the field beyond the bridge, at the foot of the slopes on which the Rebel lines were concentrated, Burnside suffered severe loss. The dead were buried where they fell  the place marked by rude head-boards of their comrades; but the plow has smoothed down all the hillocks, the head-boards tossed aside, and there is nothing to mark the places of burial but the deeper green of the growing corn.

So they sleep. Their work is done. It was well done. They lived for a purpose. Their works will follow them. There will be peace at last. Then, when the last Rebel is subdued, the last traitor apprehended, the world will see, in the triumph of right over wrong, over despotism, in a firmer Government, a consolidated people, a purified nation, that they died not in vain.

LETTER TO PRESCOTT REMICK'S FATHER: 'SUFFERED CONSIDERABLY'


"He suffered considerably," another soldier wrote to Private Prescott Remick's father.
Washington D.C.
Sept. 24, 1862

Mr. Remick
Dear Sir

Last Sunday on visiting the hospitals near the battlefield near Sharpsburgh, Md., I saw your son Prescott, who is wounded through the back. He suffered considerablythe next day (Monday) I saw him again, when I found him much more easyhaving had the ball extracted. He requested me to write you, which I promised to do. He has the sad news to add to that of his fate -- the death of his brother Benjamin -- who was shot at his side just as he himself fell. I could not stay long with him. I am detailed to see to wounded and am permitted to travel at all times between Washington and the battle fields, and may meet him again. I will be happy to answer any enquiries you may make in regard to him as far as I know if you address me at 329 New York Avenue Washington. If I don't answer at once you may know that I am out on the field but on my return will attend to it.

Respectfully yours

Wm. P. Taylor
2nd Wis. Vol.


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