Showing posts with label 19th Massachusetts. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 19th Massachusetts. Show all posts

Saturday, February 11, 2017

KIA at Glendale: 'You are the dearest friend I have on earth'

Edmund Hale's remains may lie in Glendale National Cemetery in a grave marked "Unknown."
(Photo courtesy Shelly Liebler)
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Even after the Union Army was routed at the Battle of Ball's Bluff, 19th Massachusetts Private Edmund A. Hale was confident the Federals would eventually defeat the enemy, whom he called "a pretty hard and ugly set of raskels to deal with."

"We had a battle on the Virginia shore, the 21st, which last one day & one night with pretty heavy loss on booth sides," he wrote to his wife on Oct. 24, 1861, three days after the disastrous defeat near Leesburg, Va., "but I believe we lost not one man of the 19th Regt, although we were pretty neigh surrounded by the rebels."

Colonel Edwin Baker, killed at Ball's Bluff.
"We felt the loss of him grately,"
Edmund Hale wrote to his wife.
(Library of Congress)
After they hastily scattered down the bluffs on the Virginia side of the river, some Union soldiers swam for Harrison's Island, a small spit of land in the middle of the river. Rebs picked off Yankees in the water, and days later, bodies of Union dead were spotted afloat downriver in Washington.

Casualties in the 19th Massachusetts, which covered the Federals' retreat, were slight. But the Union army lost Colonel Edwin Baker, a senator from Oregon and President Lincoln's longtime friend. "I believe he was a very fine man," Hale wrote in the letter from a camp near Poolesville, Md. "We felt the loss of him grately, but it could not be helped. He died in a noble cause."

Hale's four-page letter, found in a robust widow's pension file in the National Archives, provides a small window into the world of the 31-year-old shoemaker from Stoneham, Mass. For much of the correspondence, he professes his love for his "Dear little wife," whom he married in January 1861. (See below for original letter and complete transcription.)

Eight months later, Edmund, who stood 5-7 and had hazel eyes, light hair and a light complexion, enlisted in the Union army.  On Nov. 5, 1861, Mary gave birth to the couple's first child, a boy named Henry.

"Keep up good courage," he wrote to Mary after Ball's Bluff, "for I hope I shall be at home with you before long. Then,  my Dear little wife, I shall be some comfort to you, and get some rest myself which I think shall need, but we do not think this war will last long."

"Be ashured of my trust and constant love for you Dear Mary," Hale added. "You are the dearest friend I have on earth, and I wish I were with you now, but that cannot be quite yet, although I soon hope to be with you, my Dear little wife."

Foundation of R.H. Nelson house. The 19th Massachusetts moved past here on June 30, 1862.
The Battle of Glendale also was known as the Battle of Nelson's Farm,
Riddle's Shop and Charles City Crossroads, among other names.

 (Photo courtesy Shelly Liebler)
On a brutally hot early-summer day a little more than eight months after Ball's Bluff, the 19th Massachusetts formed to attack at Glendale, the fifth of the Seven Days' battles near Richmond.  At about 2 p.m. on June 30, the regiment was ordered to cross an open field and charge the Rebels, who held a thin belt of woods.

 "Faces turned pale as we looked over the ground," John Adams, a corporal in Hale's Company A at Glendale, recalled years later. "We grasped our muskets firmer and waited for the order. We had kept our knapsacks until this time -- they had become priceless treasures, filled as they were with little articles for our comfort made by loving hands, and with letters from dear ones at home — but we threw them into a pile, and the voice of Colonel [Edward] Hinks was heard: 'Forward, double-quick,' and we moved across the field and entered the woods."

A "galling fire" drove back the 19th Massachusetts soldiers, who mistakenly thought troops immediately in their front were from the 7th Michigan. Instead, Adams noted, they were Rebels outfitted in Union blue, confusing the soldiers from Massachusetts. After a few minutes of hand-to-hand fighting, the 19th Massachusetts discovered it was flanked and withdrew to the edge of the woods.

Colonel Hinks was seriously wounded and carried from the field, and the "ground was strewn with our dead and wounded comrades," Adams remembered. Briefly in disorder, the 19th Massachusetts re-formed and rallied by its colors. As he looked down the line in Company A, Adams saw "many places were vacant." Among the dead was Hale, who months earlier had written to his wife, "I do love you with my hole heart."

Soundly defeated at Glendale, the Union Army retreated to Malvern Hill, where it whipped Robert E. Lee's army on July 1 in the last of the Seven Days' battles. Edmund A. Hale's remains probably were hastily buried on the Glendale battlefield -- if they were buried at all. His final resting place may be in tiny Glendale National Cemetery with the remains of nearly 1,000 other unknown Union soldiers.

National Archives via fold3.com
Camp Benton, Oct. 24th

My Dear Wife

I am about to write a few lines to you once more after a few days hard work. We had a battle on the Virginia shore, the 21st, which last one day & one night with pretty heavy loss on booth sides, but I believe we lost not one man of the 19th Regt, although we were pretty neigh surrounded by the rebels. I tell you Mary, they are a pretty hard and ugly set of raskels to deal with, but we shall ketch them very soon. We have got a very large army of brave men, we have got them hemmed all around on all sides. I can tell you a battle field is rather a sad site to behold, but enough of this. I will tell you all when I get home. I wrote you last Sunday, but I thought I would improve a few leisure moments that we have got up to camp once more. But …

National Archives via fold3.com.
... I do not expect that [indecipherable] but a very short time. I hear that we have marching orders for Virginia. There is a grate many of our men over there now, Mary. Keep up good courage, for I hope I shall be at home with you before long. Then, my Dear little wife, I shall be some comfort to you, and get some rest myself which I think shall need, but we do not think this war will last long. I know Cournal Hinks [Edward Hinks] got us out of one pretty bad scrape all safe. We all place grate confidence. He  was calm and collected as any man could possibly be. General [Edward] Baker was shot dead. [Baker was actually a colonel.] I believe he was a very fine man. We felt the loss of him grately, but it could not be helped. He died in a noble cause. I think the Country will never be lost. Be ashured Mary, I shall try to take good care of my self but I must and will do my duty. Ned and I were together side by side, so if either one of us fall one is to take are of the other, but I do hope we shall …

National Archives via fold3.com.
… booth get home again to our famelys. We keep up very good courage. That’s one half of the battle. Be ashured of my trust and constant love for you Dear Mary. You are the dearest friend I have on earth, and I wish I were with you now, but that cannot be quite yet, although I soon hope to be with you, my Dear little wife. I sent that money to Stoneham, and I am agoing to risk a two and half gold piece for you, Mary. I should have liked to be with you to Lynn when you were there. You must give my love to Mother and all the rest. Tell them Mary I do love you with my hole heart, and Mary I know that you do me. Do not let your spirits go down but try and keep up good courage for my sake. You said you thought you would like to be out hear with me. I do not doubt it, but wait a little while. I shall see you again soon Mary. Be ashured of my love for you is constant and true and sincere. Mary, when I get home you will forget my long absence and feel proud of me. You can trust me and depend upon me, and know that I am not afraid to go and serve my ...

National Archives via fold3.com
... country, and that is more than some of them dare do. Then Mary we will live together and I will not go away and leave my little wife any more, but stay home with you and be happy together. We have lived happily together before and I hope that we may again. Keep up good [indecipherable]. I think of many the good times we have had togeather. Mary, I dare not send the money I spoke of in this letter for I understand there has been a grate many letters rifled of the money that was sent home and I want to write just as soon you possibly can. Wheather you received the money I sent to you, I would sent it to you now but I do not want to send it until I hear from you. Do write soon, Mary, tell Mother and Martha to write to me just as soon as they possibly can, for I do want to hear from you all. I saw a number of Stoneham boys to-day and they have lately heard from home. I suppose you have not heard from my folks. Mary write all you think. I aught to know Mary. Wish  that I could see you to tell you all, but keep up good courage for I do hope to see you before long, and be ashured Mary I love you with all my true and noble heart for I believe that I have a noble heart for you Dear Mary, one that loves better than life itself, and you to them. Believe me Mary I think of you all. I have not written to any of them at Stoneham as yet. Take good care of your self my Mary for your self and my own sake, for Mary we shall have some more happy time together then we can  talk over our past trials that we have past through then Mary we will live together in pease and pure happiness. Then Mary we forget the hard times that we past through, [indecipherable] those few times. 

From your true husband and well wisher, Edmund A. Hale

So [indecipherable] for the present, and may God bless you and watch over you, and remember I shall pray for you and think of you til the last. Write soon, I shall not forget your kindness for me Mary.

 Have something to add (or correct) in this post? E-mail me here.


SOURCES


--Adams, John G.B., Reminiscences of the Nineteenth Massachusetts Regiment, Boston, Wright & Potter Printing Co., 1899.

-- Edmund A. Hale widow's pension file, National Archives and Records Service via fold3.com, Washington

Saturday, October 15, 2016

Antietam: Echoes from Susan Hoffman Farm hospital

Susan Hoffman farmhouse, built in 1840s. PLEASE NOTE: This is private property. Do not trespass.
(CLICK ON ALL IMAGES AND INTERACTIVE PANORAMAS TO ENLARGE)
    PANORAMA: Scores of wounded were treated here on Sept. 17, 1862, and afterward. 
 
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For many readers of The New York Times on Oct. 12, 1862, the death list of Union soldiers published on Page 1 must have rocked their souls. More than 300 men and boys in blue, according to the report that filled two full columns, had been buried or died at makeshift Federal hospitals near the Antietam battlefield.

On Oct. 21, 1862, The New York Times
published a lengthy list of soldiers
who had died at Antietam hospitals.
At George Line's farm
,  known as the "White House Hospital" because of Line's white-washed log cabin, the death toll was 156 soldiers — 101 Union and 55 Confederate. At the "Stone-House Hospital," Samuel Poffenberger's farm, the total number of deaths was listed as 37. At a hospital run by 12th Massachusetts surgeon John Hayward, 11 soldiers were buried "whose names could not be ascertained."

And at the "Hoffman Farm Hospital," the beautiful home of 56-year-old widow Susan Hoffman, 57 soldiers had died — mostly from General Edwin Sumner's II Corps that fought in David R. Miller's cornfield and in the East and West Woods. Among them, according to the Times report, were eight unknown soldiers, including a "large man" who wore a "red woolen shirt."

A  newspaper correspondent who happened upon Widow Hoffman's farm along the Keedysville Road the morning of Sept. 17 found an  "appalling sight."

"The wounded were lying in rows awaiting their turns at the surgeons' tables," Charles Carleton Coffin wrote. "The hospital stewards had a corps of men distributing straw over the field for their comfort."

                    Google Earth: Hoffman barn is the large building near center of image.

With a large farmhouse, barn and several other outbuildings and an ample water supply from a spring, Widow Hoffman's 284-acre farm was ideal for a military hospital. On Sept. 21, the U.S. Christian Commission established its headquarters at the farm, supplying a beleaguered Union medical staff with bandages, linens, medicine and the soldiers with Bibles and religious literature. Rev. Isaac O. Sloan, a member of the commission, described a harrowing scene:

Reverend Issac O. Sloan of the
U.S. Christian Commission
(University of North Dakota)
At the Hoffman Hospital there were at least fifteen hundred [wounded], and at the Stone House as many if not more. On Sunday succeeding the battle we established ourselves permanently at the Hoffman House, thinking it better to concentrate our energies upon one point. In every spot here -- the barn, the stable, carriage-house, sheds, straw stacks, orchards, and indeed everywhere --  were to be seen wounded and dying men. 
For the first few days, of course, all was bustle and confusion. Nothing scarcely could be thought of but affording relief to the sufferers. Prayer only could be made at the side of one drawing near to his end, or words of Scripture whispered into the ear of the moaning patient as we dressed his wound or gave him nourishment. We had scarcely a moment for sleep. Many incidents of thrilling interest occurred here. A great proportion of the sufferers were youths, ranging from sixteen up to twenty-one years. After a few days, when matters were somewhat systematized, we had religious services every evening, in the barn, in the dwelling-house, carriage-house, and wherever there was a large number collected.
On Sept. 17, 2016, the 154th anniversary of the battle, the owners of the farm gave me a tour of their circa-1840s brick farmhouse, the old slave quarters behind the house and a circa-1810 springhouse, perhaps the first dwelling on the property. Afterward, they graciously allowed me to examine the rest of the grounds.

I heard echoes of the past almost everywhere.

(PLEASE NOTE: This is private property. Do not trespass.)

Religious services were held in the farmhouse (above), carriage house and elsewhere on the farm.
                               PANORAMA: Springhouse, circa 1810, and farmhouse.

Nearly two weeks after the battle, about 200 wounded remained at the Hoffman farm hospital, reported a New York Times correspondent, who made special mention of a woman who comforted soldiers there. Helen Gilson, a 26-year-old nurse from Chelsea, Mass., arrived at Antietam the day after the battle.

Nurse Helen Gilson arrived
at Antietam the

 day after the battle.
(Photo: Our Army Nurses)
"She had been a very angel of goodness to the soldiers," the reporter wrote, "and her presence and conversation seem to inspire new life and courage wherever she goes." As she made her rounds one day, a wounded soldier asked Gilson if she would sing. She "instantly complied" with "inimitable spirit" with a rendition of The Star Spangled Banner.

"The effect on these wounded soldiers was almost inspiring," the reporter wrote. "They clapped their hands and manifested the greatest pleasure. One poor fellow, who had lost a hand, cried out: 'I cannot clap, Miss, but I can pound,' and sitting the action to the word, struck his wounded stump upon the floor where he was lying, with impassioned earnestness. Miss G. is neither over 30 nor very homely, and in these particulars does not come up to the required standard of army nurses."

While working for the U.S. Sanitary Commission in Fredericksburg, Va., in the spring of 1864, Gilson received praise from a doctor who met her there for the first time:
"One afternoon just before the evacuation of Fredericksburg, when the atmosphere of our rooms was close and foul and we were longing for a breath of our cooler Northern air, and the men were moaning in pain or restless with fever and our hearts were sick with pity for the sufferers, I heard a light step upon the stairs; and looking up I saw a young lady enter who brought with her such an atmosphere of calm and cheerful courage, so much freshness, such an expression of gentle womanly sympathy that her mere presence seemed to revive the drooping spirits of the men... "
Alarmed that ill and wounded black soldiers did not receive proper care at City Point, Va. in 1864, Gilson — who served as a nurse through the end of the war — went to their aid. "These stories of suffering reached Miss Gilson at a moment when the previous efforts of the campaign had nearly exhausted her strength," a post-war account noted, "But her duty seemed plain."

In 1866, Gilson married E. Hamilton Osgood in Chelsea. Apparently still sufferring the effects of malaria from the war, she died in childbirth on April 20, 1868. She was only 32.

Hundreds of wounded lay in and around the Hoffman barn.
                    PANORAMA: Barn, carriage shed and farmhouse date to the battle.

After advancing past the dead and wounded from both armies that covered David R. Miller's cornfield, the 1st Minnesota pushed into the West Woods. "At last we halted at the edge of a cornfield by a rail fence," Color Sergeant Samuel Bloomer of Company B wrote in his journal, "but still we were in the woods. Had not been at the fence more than 15 minutes before a most terrific fire was poured into the left of our brigade from the rear & front & which fire came quickly down the line to the right where we were."

Color Sergeant Samuel Bloomer of the
1st Minnesota was wounded in the West Woods.
(Minnesota Historical Society)
As Bloomer lay the flagstaff on the fence, a Rebel bullet tore into his right leg, leaving a ghastly wound just below the knee. Soon, his regiment  retreated, leaving behind the 26-year-old soldier from Stillwater, in the Minnesota Territory. Desperate to avoid being shot again, Bloomer crawled behind a large oak tree and dressed the wound, bathing it with water from his canteen.

"The advance of the secesh soon made their appearance &  passed by me but did not go a great ways further but formed their picket line about 40 rods in front of  me," Bloomer wrote. "Shortly their line came up & formed just where our line had stood, which left me about 40 rods in front of their line."

Captured by the Rebels, Bloomer lay on the field, "watching shells of both armies playing in or about there all day cutting off limbs of trees & tearing up the ground all around me, which made it a very dangerous place." After the war, Bloomer said several Rebels, including Sergeant William H. Andrews of the 1st Georgia, piled cord wood about him to prevent him from getting shot again.

The act of kindness may have saved Bloomer's life.

"I have no doubt," he recalled, "that more than 100 bullets struck that barricade that day."

Later, Stonewall Jackson himself rode by, asked Bloomer what regiment he belonged to and ordered his men to make him as comfortable as possible. That night, a North Carolina captain struck up a conversation with Bloomer, giving the Yankee a canteen of water that the officer later replenished. Perhaps their kindly treatment of him made up for the behavior earlier of another Confederate officer, who caused Bloomer to seethe when the man cursed him and called him a "nigger thief."

1902 newspaper image of Bloomer, 
whose right leg was amputated
in the Hoffman barn
. 
(Walter Jorgenson's 1st Minnesota site)
"I had a revolver and short sword under by rubber blanket on which I lay," Bloomer said, "and in my rage I attempted to get at my revolver, intending to shoot that fellow. But he had his eyes on me and shouted, 'Disarm that man!' " Luckily for Bloomer, the Rebels didn't harm him, but they compelled him to part with his prized sword and two revolvers.

Until later the next day, Bloomer lay in the same spot, within sight of the bodies of his comrades. At about 6 p.m. on Sept. 18, Rebel soldiers took him on a  stretcher to a nearby barn "surrounded with straw stacks," perhaps on Alfred Poffenberger's farm, where the enemy kept more than 100 Union prisoners. Lee's army slipped across the Potomac River into Virginia that night, leaving the seriously wounded Bloomer and his comrades behind. 

"I for one," the Swiss-born soldier wrote in his journal, "slept but little last night for pain."

Early on the morning of Sept. 19, Union troops finally appeared, among them Bloomer's cousin, Adam Marty of Company B. About noon, comrades transported Bloomer by ambulance to the Hoffman farm, where he lay all night "with most dreadful pain." In and around the barn on a hill near the farmhouse, Bloomer saw "some 5 or 600 wounded soldiers."

At 8 a.m, the next morning — a "day that will long be remembered by me," he wrote — Bloomer found himself on an operating table in Hoffman's barn. Regimental surgeon Edwin Pugsley amputated the  sergeant's right leg above the knee. "And from then," Bloomer wrote, "the suffering commenced in earnest."

Less than three months after Antietam, Bloomer received a discharge from the United States Army. (He served briefly in the Veterans Reserve Corps as a lieutenant.) On Dec. 6, 1863, one year after his discharge, he married Matilda J. Burns, with whom he had four children.

A local newspaper trumpeted his return home.

"In the fierce struggle of Antietam, where so many brave hearts beat out their last pulses Sam lost one of his faithful legs and was forced to relinquish his glorious charge which he had so faithfully guarded to other hands," the Glencoe (Minn.) Register and Soldiers Budget reported on Jan. 10, 1863. "And so he is back again, a cripple for life ... his fund of good humor in no way diminished. Long may he live!"

After the war, Bloomer worked as prison guard, insurance agent and sewing machine salesman and served in the Grand Army of the Republic, a veterans' organization. Shortly after he caught Matilda with another man, the couple divorced in 1875. He re-married in 1882 and lived out his days in Stillwater, Minn. By the time he was 80, the old soldier who lost his leg in a barn near the Antietam battlefield could barely walk. Bloomer died on Oct. 4, 1917 at 81.

Diary of Hallowell Dunham, a private in the 19th Massachusetts, who died at the Hoffman farm.

Twelve days before Rebels routed his regiment at Antietam, 21-year-old Hallowell R. Dunham, a private in Company B of the 19th Massachusetts, wrote an entry in his leather-covered journal.
"Today is Sunday 7 a.m. but how different from our quiet New England Sunday. Nothing round me to remind one that it is God's day of rest. Much would I give if I could spend only one more Sabbath at home. But that cannot be. It may never be again. But I pray God that it may be. God help me to live so that if I never spend an earthly Sabbath at home with friends I love, that I may meet them in Heaven." 
Hallowell Dunham's leather-covered
 diary 
was discovered in the Hoffman barn. 
On the morning of Sept. 17, the youngest son of Marcia Dunham suffered a wound in the foot in the West Woods. Transported to the Hoffman farm, Dunham — known as "Hal" to his friends — died there on Oct. 2, perhaps from infection caused by the wound.

For Marcia Dunham, the mother of nine children, the death of her son was another cruel blow. Her husband, Julius, had died in 1841, and before and after Hallowell enlisted in the Union army on July 26, 1861, the 62-year-old woman relied on her son's financial support. A clerk before the war, Hallowell paid the rent for his mother, a boarder at the home of a 38-year-old farmer named William Hoar in Littleton, Mass.

"We well know that her said son contributed the greater part of his earnings for her support prior to his enlistment and that he left her an allotment of his pay and has regularly paid her board and for her clothing," an affidavit in Marcia's claim for her son's pension noted. Shortly after her son died, Marcia filed a claim, and she soon was granted a payment of $8 a month.

Old slave quarters behind the Hoffman farmhouse.
The Hoffman family's slaves lived in this small outbuilding in back of the farmhouse.
Interior of slave quarters, now used for storage.

By 1868, Benjamin Remick Sr. was a broken-down man, "afflicted with atony ... which approaches a general collapse of the whole mental and physical condition." Only 58, he was "prematurely old and infirm," a physician wrote, "so that he can do but little work at his usual trade" and was "unable to support himself or his family."

Perhaps it was no wonder. Six years earlier, the bootmaker from Milford, Mass., had suffered immense loss. 

At Antietam, his 22-year-old son, Benjamin Jr., a private in Company H of the 2nd Massachusetts, was killed instantly during brutal fighting in Miller's cornfield. He left behind an 18-year-old wife named Susan and a 1-year-old son, Nathaniel. Moments before Benjamin was killed, his younger brother, 17-year-old Prescott, suffered a severe wound. A bootmaker like his father, the private in Company G of the 2nd Massachusetts stood 5 feet tall and had hazel eyes, dark hair and a dark complexion.

2nd Massachusetts Private Prescott Remick's 
gravestone at Antietam National Cemetery.
"I noticed him in particular, as his position was very near my own," Lieutenant John F. George recalled about Prescott, "and I noticed with admiration the coolness and contempt of danger with which he performed his duty. He was shot (I think) in the shoulder while standing near his brother, who was killed almost immediately after. During the turmoil and confusion, I lost sight of him but, on making enquiries, ascertained that he had been sent to the rear."

On Sept. 24, a week after the battle, a Wisconsin soldier wrote to Benjamin Sr, about the condition of his son, who received care at the Hoffman farm, and broke grim news about Benjamin Jr.:
"Last Sunday on visiting the hospitals near the battlefield near Sharpsburgh, Md., I saw your son Prescott, who is wounded through the back. He suffered considerably — the next day (Monday) I saw him again, when I found him much more easy — having had the ball extracted. He requested me to write you, which I promised to do. He has the sad news to add to that of his fate — the death of his brother Benjamin — who was shot at his side just as he himself fell. I could not stay long with him. I am detailed to see to wounded and am permitted to travel at all times between Washington and the battle fields, and may meet him again. I will be happy to answer any enquiries you may make in regard to him as far as I know if you address me at 329 New York Avenue Washington. If I don't answer at once you may know that I am out on the field but on my return will attend to it.  
 Respectfully yours Wm. P. Taylor 2nd Wis. Vol.
Three days later, on Sept. 27, Prescott died. His remains were buried at a small cemetery at the Smoketown Hospital, a short distance from Hoffman's farm. A battlefield visitor, probably a soldier from Massachusetts, discovered Remick's grave there in the summer of 1863. In a lengthy letter rich with detail about Antietam, he wrote:
"The shade on this summer morning is calm, deep and holy. From the field there is the odor of clover blossoms. There is not wanting the hum of bees and the songs of birds to lend a charm to the hour. The paling is neatly whitewashed which surrounds the consecrated spot. There are a hundred and fifty-nine graves, each with its rounded, white headboard, and rude lettering, with name, company and regiment of the dead. A loving heart, a faithful hand has planted a rose bush above the dust of Prescott Remic, of Company G, 2nd Massachusetts. It is fresh and green; its roots are creeping down to the coffin lid, and will draw its nourishment from the mouldering form beneath. Another year and the crimson flower will bloom with rarest beauty and richest fragrance.
After the war, Prescott remains were disinterred from the Smoketown hospital cemetery and reburied in Antietam National Cemetery. His remains lie there today under grave marker No. 978.

The springhouse may be the original dwelling on the property.
A view of the springhouse from the second-floor porch.
Back of the two-story farmhouse. Amputated limbs were tossed from windows,
 according to family lore.
Sign on Keedysville Road noting historic significance of the Hoffman farm. Please note: This is
private property. Do not trespass.

— Have something to add (or correct) in this post? E-mail me here.


SOURCES:
  • 1860 U.S. Federal census
  • Antietam on the Web, accessed Oct. 14, 2016
  • Hallowell Dunham, Benjamin and Prescott Remick pension files, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, D.C. via fold3.com
  • Confederate Veteran Magazine, April, 1909, Page 169
  • New York Times, Oct. 6 and 12, 1862
  • Find a Grave
  • Gallipolis (Ohio) Journal, Sept. 3, 1863. The Antietam account of Prescott Remick's grave came from this Ohio newspaper. The account evidently was printed in several U.S. newspapers in 1863
  • Gardner Holland, Mary A., Our Army Nurses, Boston, B. Wilkins & Co. Publishers, 1895
  • Moss, Rev. Lemuel, Annals of the U.S. Christian Commission, Philadelphia, J.P. Lippincott & Co., 1868
  • Nelson, John H, As Grain Falls Before The Reaper, The Federal Hospital Sites And Identified Federal Casualties at Antietam, Privately published CD, Hagerstown, Md., 2004. (Nelson's outstanding work is a terrific resource on Antietam hospitals.)
  • Samuel Bloomer's journal excerpts are from Walter Jorgenson's excellent 1st Minnesota web site.  The journal is part of the Minnesota Historical Society collection, which Jorgenson cites on his web site
  • The Century Magazine, "Antietam Scenes" by Charles Carleton Coffin, June 1886

Friday, June 24, 2016

Two brothers cut down in maelstrom at Fredericksburg

5th New Hampshire Lieutenant Samuel B. Little was mortally wounded at Fredericksburg.
(Library of Congress | Liljenquist Family Collection)


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For Samuel Brown Little — the youngest of six hard-luck brothers from Newbury, Mass. — life was a battle long before he marched off to war. His father offered little stability, leaving the family "wholly dependent for support upon the industry and energy of a most excellent mother.” When she died, Samuel was only eight months old. The brothers — and presumably their father — were left to the "cold charity of the world." Somehow, Samuel survived it.

Historical markers note the U.S. Army crossing
of Rappahannock River at Fredericksburg, Va.
This is view from Fredericksburg side.

By 10 he was working a farm; by 16, painting houses. At 18, he struck out on his own in Brookline, Mass., before moving to Claremont, N.H., where he married Mary Gould in 1849 and partnered with his brother Joseph in the painting trade. Life finally seemed steady — until 1861 shattered that illusion.

On Sept. 27 of that year, Samuel enlisted in the 5th New Hampshire, pocketing a $10 state bounty and soon earning a sergeant’s stripes. A month earlier, his brother Moses — a 38-year-old shoemaker from West Newbury — had joined the 19th Massachusetts. The Littles would carry their family’s burden into battle.

At Antietam, in the hell of Bloody Lane on Sept. 17, 1862, Samuel — newly promoted to lieutenant for “bravery and meritorious conduct” — took a bullet through the thigh. Sent home to Claremont to heal, he instead defied doctor’s orders. On Dec. 8, still weak and limping, he forced himself south to rejoin the “Fighting Fifth” near Fredericksburg, where a long-awaited clash loomed.



Union engineers and soldiers under fire during the building of a pontoon bridge at
 Fredericksburg on Dec. 11, 1862.  It's unclear whether this sketch is of  the Upper Crossing. 
Visit the Mysteries & Conundrums blog for a detailed exploration.
(Alfred Waud/Library of Congress)

Hours before dawn on Dec. 11, 1862, the Rappahannock lay wrapped in fog and cold as Union engineers crept to the water’s edge. They began laying a pontoon bridge across the 250-yard river while Mississippi and Florida sharpshooters watched from Fredericksburg’s cellars and rifle pits. 

As the sun rose, the work became deadly. Engineers fell one by one under Rebel fire.

"We remained undisturbed until the morning of December 11 when we were ordered to the banks of the Rappahannock opposite Fredericksburg," a 19th Massachusetts soldier recalled. "Here we found a pontoon bridge partially laid, and the engineers doing their best to complete it. Our batteries were posted on the hills in rear of our line, and were vigorously shelling the city, but the rebel sharpshooters were posted in cellars and rifle pits on the other side and would pick off the engineers as fast as they showed themselves at work."

One of the men struck that morning was Samuel’s brother Moses, helping the bridge-builders when a bullet found him. He died near the riverbank. The day before, his youngest child Carrie had turned two.

Colonel Edward Cross (above)
 tried to talk Samuel Little out
of fighting at Fredericksburg,
according to one account.

When Samuel reached Fredericksburg — reportedly just an hour before the Dec. 13 battle — the sight of him alarmed his superiors. Colonel Edward Cross and others begged the pale, weakened lieutenant to stay out of the fight. He refused.

In the slaughter at Marye’s Heights, after Capt. Jacob W. Keller of Claremont went down badly wounded, Samuel seized command of the company. Already weakened by Antietam, he was struck again — once in the left calf and then in the shoulder. The 5th New Hampshire, which had entered the field with 249 men, staggered away with 186 casualties.

“The Boys look down-hearted enough, I tell you,” a 5th New Hampshire soldier wrote to his mother in Claremont. “Lieut. [Samuel B.] Little was all cut up — hit in 3 places.”

Surgeons removed what they could, but one bullet lodged deep in Samuel’s shoulder and would not budge. Infection spread. On Christmas Eve, in the Lacy House across the river in Falmouth, he died. **

Days later, Claremont filled its town hall — the same room once packed with fiery Union supporters at the war’s outset — to honor Lieutenant Little. His body had been brought home, a small mercy for wife Mary. The Reverend Carlos Marston, Samuel’s friend, delivered what townspeople called a “most appropriate and impressive sermon,” quoting Revelation 14:13: “Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord… that they may rest from their labors; and their works do follow them.”

Pallbearers carried Samuel to Pleasant Street Cemetery and laid him beneath New Hampshire soil. His brother Moses lies in Greenwood Cemetery. in Haverhill, Mass. Two brothers gone — one at the riverbank, one near Christmas — their lives braided into the nation's darkest winter.

Lacy House, also known as Chatham Manor, where Lieutenant Samuel Little died
on Dec. 24, 1862. (Timothy O'Sullivan/Library of Congress collection)


-- Have something to add (or correct) in this post? Email me here.


NOTES AND SOURCES

** Some accounts note Samuel Little died on Dec. 23, 1862.
  • Moses Little widow's pension records, National Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C.
  • Samuel Little's widow's pension records, NARS
  • History of the Nineteenth Regiment, Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry, 1861-1865, The Salem Press Co., Salem, Mass., 1906
  • Waite, Otis F.R., History of the Town of Claremont, N.H., for a Period of One Hundred and Thirty Years, John B. Clarke Co., Manchester, N.H., 1895
  • Waite, Otis F.R., Claremont, War History, April, 1861 to April, 1865, McFarland & Jenls Printers, Concord, N.H., 1868

Wednesday, December 12, 2012

Antietam: Remembering Private Hallowell Dunham

Hallowell R. Dunham, a private in the 19th Massachusetts, was mortally wounded at the 
Battle of Antietam. Here's his marker in Staffordville Cemetery in Staffordville, Conn.,
a small town near  the Massachusetts border.

Twelve days before his regiment was cut to pieces at the Battle of Antietam, 21-year-old Hallowell R. Dunham, a private in Company B of  the 19th Massachusetts, wrote an entry in his journal.

"Today is Sunday 7 a.m. but how different from our quiet New England Sunday," he scrawled in pencil on Sept. 5, 1862. "Nothing round me to remind one that it is God's day of rest. Much would I give if I could spend only one more Sabbath at home. But that cannot be. It may never be again. But I pray God that it may be. God help me to live so that if I never spend an earthly Sabbath at home with friends I love, that I may meet them in Heaven." (1)

Dunham's journal entry proved to be prophetic. He never did spend another Sunday at home.

On the morning of Sept. 17,  the youngest son of Marcia Dunham was wounded in the foot in the West Woods at Antietam, a charnel house for soldiers from Massachusetts. In the strip of old-growth forest on the right flank of the Union army, near the small, white-washed Dunker Church, the 19th and 15th Massachusetts regiments suffered 78 killed and 442 wounded, many of whom died later. 

"One-half of our officers and men were either killed or wounded," 2nd Lieutenant John Adams of the 19th Massachusetts wrote shortly after the war. "Colonel (William) Hincks was the first to fall, again terribly wounded. Capt. George W. Batchelder was killed, and the command of the regiment and companies changed fast, as one after another officer went down. At the time we were so hotly engaged in the front we began to receive a fire from our left and rear, and discovered that we were being flanked, and must change front to rear." (2) Captain Henry A. Hale of Company H suffered an especially gruesome wound when he was hit by a minie ball in the mouth, taking away all of his front teeth and part of his tongue. (3) (Justus Collins Wellington of the 15th Massachusetts was among those killed. A ruby ambrotype of the private from West Brookfield, Mass., is in my Civil War collection.)

A clerk before the war, Dunham was eventually taken to the II Corps field hospital on the Hoffman Farm, well behind the Union lines. He lingered there for a little more than two weeks, occasionally writing in his journal. But on Thursday, Oct. 2, Hallowell, known as "Hal" to his friends, succumbed to his injuries.

HOFFMAN FARM: Probably the largest Union hospital at Antietam, this was headquarters
for the Sanitary Commission, a private relief agency that tended to sick and wounded soldiers.
(Images courtesy Richard Gold)
According to this pension document, Dunham died of his wounds at Hoffman Hospital, 
one of several large Union hospitals near Sharpsburg, Md., after the Battle of Antietam. 
(CLICK ON IMAGE TO ENLARGE.)

For Marcia Dunham, the mother of nine children, the death of her son was another cruel blow. Her husband, Julius, had died in 1841 and before Hallowell enlisted in the Union army on July 26, 1861, and afterward, the 62-year-old woman relied on her son's support. Hallowell paid the rent for his mother, who was a boarder, according to the 1860 U.S. census, at the home of a 38-year-old farmer named William Hoar in Littleton, Mass. "We well know that her said son contributed the greater part of his earnings for her support prior to his enlistment and that he left her an allotment of his pay and has regularly paid her board and for her clothing," a pension document noted. Shortly after her son died, Marcia filed for an army pension, and she soon was granted a payment of $8 a month.

Although Hallowell Dunham didn't survive Antietam, his words live on today. His inch-thick, light-brown Civil War journal, which includes faded entries from his last days at the Hoffman Farm, was discovered after the battle in the barn. Today, it's in a private collection. Although Dunham has a marker in the family plot in a cemetery in Staffordville, Conn., a small town near the Massachusetts border, it's unclear whether he's buried there or under a tombstone marked "Unknown" at Antietam National Cemetery.

(1) Dunham diary, quoted in "Dim and Flaring Lamps," John Schildt, Page 12

(2) "Reminiscences of The Nineteenth Massachusetts Regiment," Captain John G.B. Adams, Wright Potter Printing Co., Boston, 1899, Chapter VI

(3) "History of the Nineteenth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry,"  The Salem Press Co., Salem, Mass., 1906
An old metal  Grand Army of the Republic marker and U.S. flag are planted by 
Hallowell Dunham's marker in Staffordville (Conn.) Cemetery.