Showing posts with label Cold Harbor. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cold Harbor. Show all posts

Thursday, July 07, 2022

Then & Now: Preservation at Cold Harbor (Va.) crossroads

Cropped enlargement of June 1864 image by Timothy O'Sullivan (Library of Congress)

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I recently spent time reporting in Mechanicsville, Va., for a Cold Harbor-related story. It was good to see the American Battlefield Trust had purchased the site of one of the taverns that once stood at the Cold Harbor crossroads. A post-war structure already has been demolished. Two inns stood at the crossroads in 1864—one photographed by Timothy O’Sullivan on June 4, 1864. It was run by W.P. Burnett. The “Now” image shows that site, although not from the same angle as O'Sullivan's. Here’s an ABT video about the inn. I counted 15 soldiers in this cropped enlargement of the O'Sullivan image, which you can click on to enlarge further:
 


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Friday, March 12, 2021

'My precious Lyman': Returned to sender, a letter to a soldier

A letter addressed to Lyman Smith of the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery in May 1864.
(Blogger's collection)

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The soul-crushing anxiety of a family with a loved one at the front seeps from a four-page letter nearly 160 years after it was written.

“Pray to God for your safe keeping” appears in neat, cursive writing on Page 1; on page 2, “the ear of Jesus is always open to our faintest cry.”

On pages 3 and 4, in another writer’s less legible hand, appear the words “anxiety for your safety is doubled now,” “these dreadful battles cast gloom on us all” and “May God bless.”

"My precious Lyman," his mother Julia started the letter to her son.

A tattered, three-cent cancelled stamp with a bust of George Washington remains affixed in the upper right corner of the letter's envelope. Near the left corner, a postal clerk stamped “Litchfield, Conn.” – the letter’s place of origin – and the date, “May 25, 1864.” In late spring in Virginia, Ulysses Grant’s Army of the Potomac traded vicious blows with Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia at the Wilderness, Spotsylvania Courthouse and North Anna River – obscure places the letter writers surely had never heard of before the war. 

A writer addressed the letter to a 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery soldier in Washington, the Heavies' base for months. But in spring 1864, Grant yanked the Connecticut boys from defenses of the nation’s capital for deployment in his bloody Overland Campaign battles. 

Lyman Smith of the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery
was from Litchfield, Conn. (Photo courtesy of
Smith descendant)
Someone crossed out the original address on the envelope, replacing it with “Litchfield, Conn.” The envelope is cleanly sliced open, perhaps with scissors or a razor. But by whom?

Nearly all the soldiers in the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery hailed from small towns in Litchfield County in western Connecticut. Many lived in the county seat of Litchfield, where citizens often gathered around the telegraph office in 1864, awaiting news of the fate of loved ones at the front. "You have no idea," one of them recalled, "of the intense anxiety in Litchfield in the days following [the Battle of] Cold Harbor."

I know Litchfield well, having visited the antebellum Congregational Church, site of at least one soldier's funeral in 1864; examined the town's impressive Civil War memorial and stared at these markers in  West Cemetery: 

George Booth, killed at Antietam.

Edward Wadhams, killed Fort Darling.

Henry Wadhams, killed North Anna River.

Luman Wadhams, mortally wounded at Cold Harbor.

The letter, which sits on my office shelf, was written by Lyman Smith's mother, Julia, and sister, Mary. Lyman never read their loving words. The letter was returned to sender. 

Only 22, Private Smith fell on June 1, 1864 at Cold Harbor, Virginia. He, too, has a marker in West Cemetery. 

A LETTER TO LYMAN: A TRANSCRIPT

"We shall wait with great anxiety," wrote Lyman Smith's sister, Mary.

My precious Lyman, 

Your letter from Fredericksburg containing twenty dollars came last evening. We had received one from you a day or two before from Ft. Craig with ten dollars in it—all of which we will keep for you safely.

Dear child, you are now in reality in the midst of war and you don’t know what anxious hearts gather around our table three times a day now [and] how fervently your sisters and myself pray to God for your safe keeping. Let your aspirations also go forth and mingle with ours before the mercy seat of Christ.

We ere not heard for our much speaking and you can lift up your heart even amidst the din and carnage of battle, and the ear of Jesus is always open to our faintest cry, and we never call upon Him in vain. He is able to keep you if you ask Him for He has said that He has “all power in Heaven and on Earth.” 

At Cold Harbor, Va., a marker explains
ground where 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery
fought on June 1, 1864. In the background,
a monument to the regiment. 


We shall wait with great anxiety to hear from you. Write just as often as you can, if it not more than a line or two. Don’t let a week pass if it is possible for you to write. We are all well. I will make this letter short that I may get it into the Office this morning. I pray for you without ceasing, my dear Lyman. Pray for yourself and your loving Mother.

Wednesday morning.

My dear Lyman, I have only time for a few words this morning. Our anxiety for your safety is doubled now that you are at the front and we can only wait from day to day and hope for the best. May God guard you safely through it all and bring you to trust in Him instead of your own strength. These dreadful battles cast their gloom on us all—there is hardly a family but is sobered and saddened.

Edward Wadhams was shot through the heart a week from last Monday and left behind the rebel entrenchments at Fort Darling. It is feared that his body will never be found. Mrs. Luman Wadhams is with Mrs. Wadhams for the present. I shall call on her as soon as possible. 

Pa and [your brother] Ed are very busy with their farming. Pa is bushing peas today and Ed planting corn. I wish you were safely home. Write if only a word every time you can have a chance to mail a letter. 

We shall write to you often, although you may not get the letter. May God bless and keep you in safety, my dear brother. 

Your loving sister, — Mary

[Your sister] Nealie send love and will write in a day or two.


The complete letter from Lyman Smith's mother and sister, dated May 25, 1864.


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-- Letter transcription hat tip to William "Griff" Griffing of Spared & Shared. (Read about Griff, subject of my Civil War Times magazine column.)

Friday, February 22, 2019

'Shells as big as one's head': A reporter's 1881 Cold Harbor visit

A Confederate reenactor deep in the woods at Cold Harbor on the 153rd commemoration of the battle.
(CLICK ON IMAGES TO ENLARGE.)
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On a dreadfully hot Virginia afternoon two years ago, I lay alone in a Cold Harbor field, staring into a cloudless sky. The humidity was thick. So was the gloom. There may be no sadder Civil War battleground to visit.

As scores of Union wounded lay in no-man's land at Cold Harbor in early June 1864, vultures circled above. Occasionally the massive birds descended to earth to pick at the helpless and the dead. Try imagining that horrid scene.

In the summer of 1881, Philadelphia Times correspondent George Morgan included Cold Harbor on his tour of Southern battlefields.  His first stop was the national cemetery.

"I was already familiar with the things to be seen in a government graveyard -- the well-kept grass, the choice plants, the thriving trees and the clean, neat, pretty lodges -- so Keeper May brought out some relics gathered from the trenches in which fell those who now sleep at our feet," Morgan wrote in a Page 1 story in the Philadelphia newspaper.

And then Morgan toured the battlefield. He didn't have to imagine the horror that took place there 17 years earlier. He found the evidence. Here's his full account of the Cold Harbor visit, published in the Philadelphia Times on Aug. 30, 1881.



              PANORAMA: Union dead and wounded lay in this field in early June 1864.
                                      (Click at upper right for full-screen experience.)

Special Correspondence of The Times

COLD HARBOR, August 27

The little darkey who brought me hither behind a well-lathered horse, pokey and tired from a ten-mile trot, chuckled as he said: "Boss, I'se a a-thinkin' an' a-wunnerin' why dey calls dese heah surrounding 'Cole Ha'boh,'" Something of that kind had occurred to me, for the ride from Richmond had been tedious, the ruts of the sandy roads this side the Chickahominy were deep and shimmering lines of heat constantly waved above the white earth to the right and left. The morning had been a "bilin' time," as the boy frequently remarked, and the approach of noon had made the air no better. But however hot a harbor this place of sun, sand and dust may now seem to me it was indeed a cold harbor for the thousands whom Grant left in the chill of death here in the early days of June seventeen years ago.

The country around is flat and the woods cover more space than the clearings. As we passed slowly along the road from the New Cold Harbor store I saw a line of intrenchments, running off from either side, and a short distance further a second line, higher add apparently of more substantial build. The first line was [Robert E.] Lee's, the second [Ulysses] Grant's, and at this point I think I could have thrown a stone from one to the other. Just down the road we saw a flag, hanging motionless from its staff above the trees, and to that point the horse was whipped with as much speed as wheels that sank in soft sand would permit. The flag floats above the Federal Cemetery. At sunrise, rain or shine, it is sent up its towering pole and, unfolding, there floats or idly droops until the day is done.

What is under the flag


Gravestone for three Federal unknowns at Cold Harbor National Cemetery. 
Beneath it are hundreds of little blocks of stone, which mark the graves of men who fell roundabout, while maples, weeping willows and flowering plants grow thickly along the walks of the pretty enclosure. Keeper May and his son were at work among the flowers, but they dropped their hoes and watering pots to show their visitor the sights of the cemetery and field. I was already familiar with the things to be seen in a government graveyard -- the well-kept grass, the choice plants, the thriving trees and the clean, neat, pretty lodges -- so Keeper May brought out some relics gathered from the trenches in which fell those who now sleep at our feet. Of Minie balls there were great numbers. Some were flattened, some rusty, some mouldy and a few kept their original shape and color. Leaning against a rosebush at the side of the lodge were a half dozen rusty gun-barrels, all loaded and any one of which could yet kill its man. Specimen bits of grapeshot, pieces of shrapnel and shells as big as one's head were also plentiful.

"We have a quiet time here to what we had at the Vicksburg Cemetery," said Mr. May. "There's sixteen thousand men buried there the visitors are numerous. Here most of our visitors are the birds, and even the birds behave better than they did at Vicksburg."

"Birds behave! Why, they always do. don't they?"

"Oh, no. I was just thinking about the robins down at vicksburg. They used 10 get dead drunk and act like regular sots."

"Robins get drunk?"

"Yes, indeedy, off'n china berries that grow in the cemetery. They used to get on reg'lar tears, whole flocks of 'em, and they seemed to like it as much as the Virginia man does his mint-julep or the average fellow-mortal his applejack."

Where 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery made its final, futile push on June 1, 1864.

The Cold Harbor House


Thus pleasantly chatting, the superintendent led me a half mile down the road to Farmer Burnet's, a house that bears the name "Cold Harbor." It is an old-fashioned frame building, dark and stained from a hundred storms. There have been no material changes about the place since the battle, during which the house received several hard hits from shrapnel and round shot sent humming hither by Lee. The yard retains its oaks, the shade of which looked so inviting to the troops as they marched by under the summer sun.

The local story, retold from father to child for many generations, has it that one severe winter a traveler was frozen to death by the fire-place of the house, thus giving it a name now historical for all time. Somewhat nearer the cemetery is the Gathwright house, which is also a point of interest. It stands in the centre of an untilled field, and its chimney are a score of grape-shot holes. When [Horatio] Wright and [Baldy] Smith fiercely assaulted Lee's line at the edge of the woods beyond, two thousand brave fellows fell around the dwelling. Mrs. Gathwright was on her knees in the cellar, and yet peals and shocks so cracked the air that she could not herself tell the words she said. Down through the roof, the partitions and the floor came crashing a great ball of iron, but, as the neighbors say, Mrs. Gathwright was at her prayers, and, without exploding, the shell rolled harmlessly upon the hem of her gown.

Many earthworks


The remains of earthworks near the Cold Harbor battlefield entrance.
April 1865 image of the remains of Confederate defenses at Cold Harbor.
(Library of Congress)
With the purpose of following the line of Federal earthworks from a point near the cemetery to the extreme left I made my way alone through a hedge of briars that topped a fence and struck out across a field. Though the plow has many a time scratched its mark in the soft soil it has failed to obliterato the entrenched line, which lies in a low ridge, stretching far before the eye. Even where the ridge sinks to the level of the rest of the ground the color of the sub-soil makes the breastworks plainly traceable.

Having passed over the fields, in which I found not so much as a bullet or a bone, I came to a tract heavily timbered with oak, pine and holly. Here again the parapet was high and the trench deep, for the works have never been disturbed and have suffered only nature's slight changes. The line looks as if some huge mole, some monster of the underground, had run its snout along just beneath the crust of earth, upheaving an uneven mound miles in length. Here it is brown with cast-off foliage shattered from a thousand pines; again it has a touch of green as it sinks into a swampy stretch, but for all its length it is as clearly marked as though banked up a year ago.

What to me was most mysterious and that to which my attention constantly was drawn I found just under the heaviest banks of earth. At first I thought certain little scooped-out places must have been made by men who sought protection in the sand, but I was not long in concluding that from everyone of the holes, after battle, a dead man had been dug. And so it was. Many a poor fellow had quick interment in the trenches where he fell, and these little scars in the ground each did duty as a soldier's rude shroud.

Quickest of modern battles


Alfred Waud's illustration of the ill-fated charge by 7th New York Heavy Artillery on June 3, 1864.
(Library of Congress)
The line leaves the dense woods to cross a road that runs from the Cold Harbor House to the Chickahominy. In a field to the left are remains of artillery works, and along the road. just at the eastern side, the infantry breastworks stretch as far as Barker's Mill, fully three miles from my starting point. But by the time I reached the intersection of this Chickahominy road with a road leading to New Cold Harbor Store I was tired enough to give over the attempt to follow the line on foot. No doubt many people have it in their minds that a battlefield is a single field -- a piece of land that may be walked across in ten minutes, a circumscribed place, a spot. When Grant assaulted Lee on this ground, at daybreak on the third of June. his line of battle was seven miles in length. More than a hundred thousand Federal soldiers moved forward at the tick of the watch.

While [Ambrose] Burnside was on the double-quick at Bethesda Church, six miles to the north, at the same moment [Winfield] Hancock was leading his columns across the road into the woods where lurked the foe. Before a swift bird could fly from one end of the assaulting line to the other Lee had received and withstood the shock at every point. Ten minutes only had passed, but in that beggarly bit of time the ground was strewn with slain and the quickest fought battle of modern times was decided. Only Hancock held tenaciously to what he had gained, and the fight in his front was prolonged for an hour.

Storekeeper Tucker, whom I met at Gaines' Mill a few weeks ago, went with me from his store at New Cold Harbor to the place on Lee's line where Hancock caught on, and there I saw a number of wonderful evidences of the fierce fight. The trunk of a "honeysuckle" tree -- a kind of locust, thorny and of hard wood -- rests against the earthworks and Mr. Tucker says that it was so hacked with small shot that the next high wind blew it down. I found a skull and a dozen buttons in a marshy spot a dozen yards away, and on the other side of the breastworks is a mound that shelters a number of fallen Alabama braves.

Present-day view of preserved earthworks at Cold Harbor.
Old Theodore Gucker, an uncle of the narrator of the incident, was near the tree at the time of the heavy fighting.

"I'd a kind o'notion," he once told his nephew, "at they was gwine to lick us, and anyhow, as it mought bo, I was willin' to quit. I swow by jeeminy, as I seed some Yanks comin' I drapped my gun and starts up a-singin':

O, ho! Bob Ridley, Ho!
O, ho! Bob Ridley, Ho!

"Why did you do that?"

"'Kase I wanted to give in an' quit an' go home, beins as Iwas onlv two miles off'n home. Well, as I was gwine fer ter say, one Yank come at me an' I says 'I surrender.' 'All right, sezze,' here's my gun.' 'But, by jeeminy,' says I, 'it s me'at wants to surrender. 'No, sirree. says the Yank,' I'm the feller 'at wants to surrender,' and so we had it, fust one an' then tuther, nip an' tuck, rip an' snort, which 'un of us should surrender."

"And which finally did surrender?"

"I swow by jeeminy, nary one of us. I crawls off an he crawls off, an' las I seed of 'im we was both a-crawlin' fit to kill."

G.M.



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Thursday, June 14, 2018

'Dreadfully distorted visages': How soldiers die in battle

A fallen Confederate at Petersburg in 1864. (Thomas C. Roche | Library of Congress)
CLICK ON ALL IMAGES TO ENLARGE.
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After the publication in 1886 of his eloquent, unvarnished account of service in the Army of the Potomac, Frank Wilkeson received reviews any author would crave.

"No book about the war for the Union can compare either style or in readableness ...," the Philadelphia Times wrote about Recollections of a Private Soldier in the Army of the Potomac. "Mr. Wilkeson's style is as crisp as a new treasury note. It is as clear as a trumpet-call. It is as deliciously breezy as a morning in May. It is impossible to take up his book and put it down without reading it."

Frank Wilkeson
Noted the Baltimore Sun: "Mr. Wilkeson occupies a rank as a writer which entitles his opinions to be weighed as those of a man of recognized ability, and his fearlessness in publishing them, when he knew they will be unpalatable to most of his readers and probably expose him to much obloquy, serves respect."

"Everyone," another newspaper wrote, "will gain a prize by possession of this book."

A son of a well-known journalist, Wilkeson enlisted at 16 in 1864 after running away from home. On July 1, 1863, his older brother, Bayard, a lieutenant in the 4th United States Regular Artillery, suffered a  mortal wound at Gettysburg. As a private in the 11th New York Light Artillery, Frank witnessed some of the worst fighting of the war — at the Wilderness, Spotsylvania Courthouse, North Anna River, Cold Harbor and Petersburg. He somehow finagled his way onto the battlefield and fought as infantry at the Wilderness.

Wilkeson — who became a well-known journalist in his own right in the 1880s — wrote compelling  chapters on the major Overland Campaign battles in Recollections. But it's an 11-page chapter entitled "How Men Die in Battle," as raw and ugly as a large, open wound, that captivates — and horrifies — me most. Here's the excerpt from Wilkeson's remarkable work:



Famous "Harvest of Death" photo of Union dead at Gettysburg. (Alexander Gardner | Library of Congress)
Almost every death on the battle-field is different. And the manner of the death depends on the wound and on the man, whether he is cowardly or brave, whether his vitality is large or small, whether he is a man of active imagination or is dull of intellect, whether he is of nervous or lymphatic temperament. I instance deaths and wounds that I saw in Grant's last campaign.

On the second day of the battle of the Wil­derness, where I fought as an infantry soldier, I saw more men killed and wounded than I did before or after in the same time. I knew but few of the men in the regiment in whose ranks I stood; but I learned the Christian names of some of them. The man who stood next to me on my right was called Will. He was cool, brave, and intelligent. In the morning, when the Second Corps was advancing and driving Hill's soldiers slowly back, I was flurried. He noticed it, and steadied my nerves by saying, kindly: "Don't fire so fast. This fight will last all day. Don't hurry. Cover your man before you pull your trigger. Take it easy, my boy, take it easy, and your cartridges will last the longer." This man fought effectively.

Close-up of fallen young Confederate at Antietam.
(Alexander Gardner | Library of Congress)
During the day I had learned to look up to this excellent soldier, and lean on him. Toward evening, as we were being slowly driven back to the Brock Road by Longstreet's men, we made a stand. I was behind a tree firing, with my rifle barrel resting on the stub of a limb. Will was standing by my side, but in the open. He, with a groan, doubled up and dropped on the ground at my feet. He looked up at me. His face was pale. He gasped for breath a few times, and then said, faintly: "That ends me. I am shot through the bowels." I said: "Crawl to the rear. We are not far from the intrench­ments along the Brock Road; I saw him sit up, and indistinctly saw him reach for his rifle, which had fallen from his hands as he fell. Again I spoke to him, urging him to go to the rear. He looked at me and said impatiently: "I tell you that I am as good as dead. There is no use in fooling with me. I shall stay here." Then he pitched forward dead, shot again and through the head. We fell back before Long­street's soldiers and left Will lying in a windrow of dead men.

 When we got into the Brock Road intrenchments, a man a few files to my left dropped dead, shot just above the right eye. He did not groan, or sigh, or make the slightest physical movement, except that his chest heaved a few times. The life went out of his face instantly, leaving it without a particle of expression. It was plastic, and, as the facial muscles con­tracted, it took many shapes. When this man's body became cold, and his face hard­ened, it was horribly distorted, as though he had suffered intensely. Any person, who had not seen him killed, would have said that he had endured supreme agony before death re­leased him. A few minutes after he fell, an­other man, a little farther to the left, fell with apparently a precisely similar wound. He was straightened out and lived for over an hour. He did not speak. Simply lay on his back, and his broad chest rose and fell, slowly at first, and then faster and faster, and more and more feebly, until he was dead. And his face hardened, and it was almost terrifying in its painful distortion.

I have seen dead soldiers' faces which were wreathed in smiles, and heard their comrades say that they had died happy. I do not believe that the face of a dead soldier, lying on a battle-field, ever truthfully indicates the mental or physical anguish, or peacefulness of mind, which he suffered or enjoyed before his death. The face is plastic after death, and as the facial muscles cool and contract, they draw the face into many shapes. Sometimes the dead smile, again they stare with glassy eyes, and lolling tongues, and dreadfully distorted visages at you. It goes for nothing. One death was as painless as the other.

Skulls and bones of unburied soldiers in the Wilderness in 1865. (Library of Congress)

After Longstreet's soldiers had driven the Second Corps into their intrenchments along the Brock Road, a battle-exhausted infantry­man stood behind a large oak tree. His back rested against it. He was very tired, and held his rifle loosely in his hand. The Confederates were directly in our front. This soldier was apparently in perfect safety. A solid shot from a Confederate gun struck the oak tree squarely about four feet from the ground; but it did not have sufficient force to tear through the tough wood. The soldier fell dead. There was not a scratch on him. He was killed by concussion.

While we were fighting savagely over these intrenchments the woods in our front caught fire, and I saw many of our wounded burned to death. Must they not have suffered horribly? I am not at all sure of that. The smoke rolled heavily and slowly before the fire. It enveloped the wounded, and I think that by far the larger portion of the men who were roasted were suffocated before the flames curled round them. The spectacle was courage-sapping and pitiful, and it appealed strongly to the imagination of the spectators; but I do not believe that the wounded soldiers, who were being burned, suf­fered greatly, if they suffered at all.

Wounded soldiers, it mattered not how slight the wounds, generally hastened away from the battle lines. A wound entitled a man to go to the rear and to a hospital. Of course there were many exceptions to this rule, as there would necessarily be in battles where from twenty thousand to thirty thousand men were wounded. I frequently saw slightly wounded men who were marching with their colors. I personally saw but two men wounded who continued to fight.

During the first day's fighting in the Wilderness I saw a youth of about twenty years skip and yell, stung by a bullet through the thigh. He turned to limp to the rear. After he had gone a few steps he stopped, then he kicked out his leg once or twice to see if it would work. Then he tore the clothing away from his leg so as to see the wound. He looked at it attentively for an in­stant, then kicked out his leg again, then turned and took his place in the ranks and resumed firing. There was considerable disorder in the line, and the soldiers moved to and fro-now a few feet to the right, now a few feet to the left. One of these movements brought me directly behind this wounded soldier.

Skulls and bones inside Federal lines near Orange Plank Road in the Wilderness, (Library of Congress)
I could see plainly from that position, and I pushed into the gaping line and began firing. In a minute or two the wounded soldier dropped his rifle, and, clasping his left arm, exclaimed: "I am hit again!" He sat down behind the battle ranks and tore off the sleeve of his shirt. The wound was very slight-not much more than skin deep. He tied his handkerchief around it, picked up his rifle, and took position alongside of me. I said: "You are fighting in bad luck to-day. You had better get away from here." He turned his head to answer me. His head jerked, he staggered, then fell, then regained his feet. A tiny fountain of blood and teeth and bone and bits of tongue burst out of his mouth. He had been shot through the jaws; the lower one was broken and hung down. I looked directly into his open mouth, which was ragged and bloody and tongueless. He cast his rifle furiously on the ground and staggered off.

The next day, just before Longstreet's sol­diers made their first charge on the Second Corps, I heard the peculiar cry a stricken man utters as the bullet tears through his flesh. I turned my head, as I loaded my rifle, to see who was hit. I saw a bearded Irishman pull up his shirt. He had been wounded in the left side just below the floating ribs. His face was gray with fear. The wound looked as though it were mortal. He looked at it for an instant, then poked it gently with his index finger. He flushed redly, and smiled with satisfaction. He tucked his shirt into his trousers, and was fight­ing in the ranks again before I had capped my rifle. The ball had cut a groove in his skin only. The play of this Irishman's face was so expressive, his emotions changed so quickly, that I could not keep from laughing.

Cropped enlargement of an image of a Union field hospital at Savage Station, Va. (Library of Congress)
Near Spottsylvania I saw, as my battery was moving into action, a group of wounded men lying in the shade cast by some large oak trees. All of these men's faces were gray. They si­lently looked at us as we marched past them. One wounded man, a blond giant of about forty years, was smoking a short briar-wood pipe. He had a firm grip on the pipe-stem. I asked him what he was doing. "Having my last smoke, young fellow," he replied. His dauntless blue eyes met mine, and he bravely tried to smile. I saw that he was dying fast. Another of these wounded men was trying to read a letter. He was too weak to hold it, or maybe his sight was clouded. He thrust it unread into the breast pocket of his blouse, and lay back with a moan. This group of wounded men numbered fifteen or twenty. At the time, I thought that all of them were fatally wound­ed, and that there was no use in the surgeons wasting time on them, when men who could be saved were clamoring for their skillful atten­tion.

None of these soldiers cried aloud, none called on wife, or mother, or father. They lay on the ground, pale-faced, and with set jaws, waiting for their end. They moaned and groaned as they suffered, but none of them flunked. When my battery returned from the front, five or six hours afterward, almost all of these men were dead. Long before the cam­paign was over I concluded that dying soldiers seldom called on those who were dearest to them, seldom conjured their Northern on South­ern homes, until they became delirious. Then, when their minds wandered, and fluttered at the approach of freedom, they babbled of their homes. Some were boys again, and were fish­ing in Northern trout streams. Some were gen­erals leading their men to victory. Some were with their wives and children. Some wandered over their family's homestead; but all, with rare exceptions, were delirious.

Union wounded at Fredericksburg in 1864. (Library of Congress)
At the North Anna River, my battery being in action, an infantry soldier, one of our sup­ports, who was lying face downward close be­hind the gun I served on, and in a place where he thought he was safe, was struck on the thighs by a large jagged piece of a shell. The wound made by this fragment of iron was as horrible as any I saw in the army. The flesh of both thighs was torn off, exposing the bones. The soldier bled to death in a few minutes, and be­fore he died he conjured his Northern home, and murmured of his wife and children.

In the same battle, but on the south side of the river, a man who carried a rifle was passing between the guns and caissons of the battery. A solid shot, intended for us, struck him on the side. His entire bowels were torn out and slung in ribbons and shreds on the ground. He fell dead, but his arms and legs jerked con­vulsively a few times. It was a sickening spec­tacle. During this battle I saw a Union picket knocked down, probably by a rifle-ball striking his head and glancing from it. He lay as though dead. Presently he struggled to his feet, and with blood streaming from his head, he staggered aimlessly round and round in a circle, as sheep afflicted with grubs in the brain do. Instantly the Confederate sharp-shooters opened fire on him and speedily killed him as he circled.

Wounded soldiers almost always tore their clothing away from their wounds, so as to see them and to judge of their character. Many of them would smile and their faces would bright­en as they realized that they were not hard hit, and that they could go home for a few months. Others would give a quick glance at their wounds and then shrink back as from a blow, and turn pale, as they realized the truth that they were mortally wounded. The enlisted men were exceedingly accurate judges of the probable result which would ensue from any wound they saw. They had seen hundreds of soldiers wounded, and they had noticed that certain wounds always resulted fatally. They knew when they were fatally wounded, and after the shock of discovery had passed, they generally braced themselves and died in a man­ly manner. It was seldom that an American or Irish volunteer flunked in the presence of death.


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SOURCES

-- Helena (Mont.) Weekly Herald, Dec. 30, 1886.
-- Philadelphia Times, Dec. 19, 1886.
-- The Baltimore Sun, Dec. 23, 1886.

Monday, January 01, 2018

Gordon Rhea's passions: Overland Campaign and writing

Of Gordon Rhea's five Overland Campaign books, his Cold Harbor work is the only one MIA in my library.

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At a dinner with a Civil War expert last summer, I asked him for a scouting report on Gordon Rhea, whose excellent book on the Battle of the Wilderness, first published in 1994, I had just completed. (I read slowly.) "Great guy ... extremely knowledgeable ... attorney ... terrific battlefield guide ... down to earth," he told me. He emphasized the down-to-earth description.

Gordon Rhea
During a recent road trip to Antietam and South Mountain, I caught up with Rhea on Civil War Talk Radio podcasts here and here. In the November 2017 podcast, the 72-year-old historian discussed with host Gerald Prokopowicz his fifth and final Overland Campaign book, On To Petersburg, Grant and Lee June 4-15, 1864. (If you're not counting, that's 2,506 pages by Rhea on the most crucial period of the war.)

I was impressed with the well-spoken Rhea's knowledge and especially by his passion for writing. That's no accident. 

"When I was in college," he told me via e-mail, "the professor who guided me in writing my history honors thesis insisted on a clear and interesting writing style. I have taken to heart his admonition that history must be interesting to read, or no one will read it."

In an e-mail Q&A for my blog, Rhea also writes of the battlefield spot he finds most moving, his hope the National Park Service and relic hunters can work with each other, the greatest myth about the Overland Campaign and more.



Winslow Homer's "Skirmish in the Wilderness" evokes the "dark mood of a confused battle," Rhea says.

Winslow Homer's painting "Skirmish In the Wilderness," in the collection of the New Britain (Conn.) Museum of American Art, appears on the cover of your first Overland Campaign book, The Battle of the Wilderness, May 5-6, 1864. Why was that chosen, and what reaction do you have when you see it?

Rhea: For each of my books, I have tried to select art by a painter of the Civil War generation who best captured the mood of the narrative, Winslow Homer's painting of the Wilderness fighting certainly meets that objective. It evokes the dark mood of a confused battle in a thick woodland where neither soldiers nor generals knew where the enemy might be, a battle of ghostly figures against ghostly figures.

For my book about Spotsylvania Court House, I chose Julian Scott's painting of the death of General John Sedgwick, who was killed by a Confederate sharpshooter. Like Homer, Scott served during the Civil War, and his painting evokes an authentic contemporary mood.

Finding a painting for my book about the North Anna River proved more difficult, as no artists who had experienced the Civil War chose that battle for a painting. However, a modern artist in Fredericksburg -- Donna J. Neary -- painted an excellent piece entitled "Even to Hell Itself" depicting Lieutenant Colonel Charles L. Chandler trying to rally his troops during General James H. Ledlie's ill-fated attack at Ox Ford. Ms. Neary courteously permitted me to use her fine piece for my cover.

For my Cold Harbor book, I returned to Julian Scott, this time using his painting of Theodore Lyman attempting to deliver a message across enemy lines to facilitate the removal of dead and wounded soldiers from the Cold Harbor battlefield.

As with my North Anna book, I could find no paintings of the movement across the James River and the initial assault toward Petersburg. An impressive black-and-white image is an 1897 drawing by Benjamin West Clinedinst depicting Grant watching the Army of the Potomac crossing the James. The drawing appeared in Horace Porter's Campaigning With Grant, and LSU Press used modern technology to colorize if for my cover.

From left, generals James Wadsworth, John Sedgwick and J.E.B.Stuart. Each died from battle wounds.

In your Wilderness book, I was fascinated by the story of the death of Union General James Wadsworth, who was shot in the head and died behind Confederate lines. Of the deaths of soldiers you have told in your books, which story resonates most with you?

Rhea: The story of Wadsworth's death is certainly moving, as are the circumstances of John Sedgwick's death. Perhaps the most heart-rending deathbed scene is that of Jeb Stuart, who was brought back to Richmond following his mortal wounding at Yellow Tavern and died before his wife could reach his side.

Given the access to materials online today, how is the research process different for you for your most recent book compared with the process for your first Overland Campaign book published in 1994?

Rhea: I began working on my Wilderness book in 1986. Then, of course, there were no online resources, so I spent considerable time traveling around the country visiting archives and gathering material. Bob Krick at the Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania National Military Park had done a wonderful job collecting primary sources, and I spent several days working through that treasure trove of information. I also received assistance from researchers such as Bryce Suderow, who introduced me to the world of Civil War-era newspapers. Back then, they were accessible only through microfilm or in the jurisdictions where they had been published.

The Internet has eased the difficulty of researching somewhat, although not entirely. Many Civil War-era newspapers are now online, as are older books and some letters and diaries. While many major repositories have put indexes online, to see the actual documents you generally have to visit the repositories. In short, researching the Civil War still requires lots of travel.

 Higgerson Farm, one of the few clearings in the Wilderness. "One cannot fathom the true nature
 of a battle without walking the ground," Gordon Rhea says.
                  WILDERNESS PANORAMA: Where Vermont Brigade made its stand.
                                     (Click at upper right for full-screen experience.)


You believe it's essential to walk the ground of a battlefield before writing about the fighting there. Tell us about that. 


Rhea: One cannot fathom the true nature of a battle without walking the ground. The lay of the land explains much about what happened and what did not happen. Years ago, I led a tour of the Wilderness battlefield for the U.S. Army's Training and Doctrine Command. My audience included veterans of Vietnam and of the first Gulf War. After the tour, we gathered around a table and talked about the differences and similarities between modern warfare and warfare in the 1860s. The modern-day warriors were most impressed with the difficulty of managing and maneuvering Civil War armies. Without aerial observations or electronic communications, it was impossible to know if the enemy was 50 miles away or just over the next ridge. And with battle lines stretching for miles, precious minutes -- even hours -- were consumed getting important information to headquarters and receiving instructions back from headquarters. These modern warriors were very impressed that Civil War commanders were able to get anything right with such primitive intelligence gathering and communications systems.

Post-war image looking from Bloody Angle, the battlefield spot that "always moves"
 Gordon Rhea, toward the McCoull farm.

Of the major Overland Campaign battlefields, I find Cold Harbor to be the most haunting, especially where the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery fought. Is there a place on any of the battlefields you have written about that "haunts" you?

Rhea: The Bloody Angle at Spotsylvania Court House always moves me. This was the scene of the war's most vicious, prolonged, face-to-face intense combat. Several years ago, I wrote a book entitled Carrying The Flag that told the story of Charles Whilden, who carried the flag of the 1st South Carolina during the Confederate counter-offensive to retake that stretch of earthworks. I can't help thinking about Charles, an aging conscript who suffered from epilepsy, whenever I visit the site.

Rhea says relic hunters were "very useful"
 to him at 
the Wilderness. 
The old-timers who live near battlefields -- relic hunters and the like -- often are a rich source of information. Did any provide you with information that aided your storytelling and how were they helpful?

Rhea: I have found relic hunters to be very useful, particularly at the Wilderness battlefield. The only way to accurately determine the position of the various lines in much of that dense woods is to find relics from the battle. Much of the battlefield is outside National Park Service property, and I have spent many hours with relic hunters who showed me where they had determined the battle lines to have been based on the unexpended ammunition (often dropped by soldiers firing and loading as quickly as they could) and expended rounds. I wish that the Park Service could reach an accommodation with relic hunters, permitting them onto NPS lands on designated days on the condition that they share with the park the identity and location of their finds. Seems to me that both parties would benefit from such an arrangement.

What's the greatest misconception about the Overland Campaign?

Rhea: That Ulysses Grant was a butcher who never maneuvered, and that Robert E. Lee possessed the extraordinary ability to accurately predict Grant's next move. As my five books on the campaign demonstrate in detail, Grant relied on a mix of attacks and maneuvers to bring his wily adversary to bay, and Lee frequently misjudged Grant's next move, often putting his army in peril.

Ulysses Grant and
Robert E. Lee.
Excellent narrative storytelling is difficult. Describe your writing process.

Rhea: It takes a long time and is very painful. I prepare folders for each brigade involved in the battle that I am writing about, and put in each folder excerpts from the pertinent published material, such as regimental histories, memoirs, and newspaper accounts, as well as archival material, including letters, diary entries and the like. From that I can construct what happened, who attacked whom, and what it was like to be there. I write on a computer, so I am able to insert new material as I find it as I go along. Unlike some authors, I cannot get it right the first time. I do multiple drafts, and once I am finished, I print out the chapters and read them both single-spaced and double-spaced, working to get the language right. When I was in college, the professor who guided me in writing my history honors thesis insisted on a clear and interesting writing style. I have taken to heart his admonition that history must be interesting to read, or no one will read it.

Of the books you have written on the Overland Campaign, which one do you step back and say, "Dang, I really nailed that one"? And why is that?

Rhea: I have enjoyed them all. When I began writing about the Overland Campaign, I ventured into uncharted territory. There was only one modern book on the Wilderness (Ed Steers' piece) and none about Spotsylvania, the North Anna, Cold Harbor or the movement to the James River.

If you could ask Ulysses Grant or Robert E. Lee one question about the Overland Campaign, what would it be?

Rhea: I would ask each of them if, knowing what we now know, would they have fought their campaign differently. Would Lee still have tried to hold the line of the Rapidan River, or would Grant now wish he had followed the strategy that he initially advocated -- to first sever Lee's supply lines by advancing from the coast into North Carolina, then pursue Lee as he retired, most likely westward? Also, I would very much like to know Grant's candid opinion whether he would have wanted someone other than George Meade commanding the Army of the Potomac, and someone other than Benjamin Butler commanding the Army of the James.

Finally, what is the greatest void in Civil War writing today?

Rhea: While much has been written about battles, there is still much to be said about the home fronts. We have seen some excellent recent studies of the impact of the war on home life in the Confederacy, but I can't recall any modern studies about how the families of soldiers from the North fared and evolved.


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Thursday, June 08, 2017

Virginia road trip: Prom photos, vultures and a 'horrible hole'

 5th Alabama Infantry Batallion Private James Tompkins "returned" to Gaines' Mill battlefield, 
where he  was mortally wounded. (CLICK ON ALL IMAGES TO ENLARGE.)
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Nearly 155 years after scores of young people died near the Watt House on the Gaines' Mill battlefield, teenagers and their parents gathered on the same ground for an American tradition: prom photos.

Just steps away, I photographed an albumen of 5th Alabama Infantry Batallion Private James Tompkins next to an old (and dirty), black-and-gray painted historical sign that briefly explained what happened at Gaines' Mill on June 27, 1862. A "bright and promising boy," Tompkins, wounded in the leg, lay on the Gaines' Mill battlefield for hours until he was carried to a makeshift field hospital, where he died that night.

His life cut short at 20, James was"just budding into manhood," a post-war account noted, "when, with so many of his generation, he was called from the school room to the battlefield; called to exchange his books for the haversack, the promise of a bright future for almost certain death at the hands of a countless, overwhelming foe."

It was a strange experience during a three-day road trip through Virginia that also included visits to the battlefields of Cold Harbor, Petersburg, Chancellorsville, the Wilderness, North Anna River and elsewhere in the Civil War-torn state.


Deep in the woods of Cold Harbor, a South Carolina reenactor poses by a torch during 
a 153rd anniversary commemoration candleight walk.
A well-preserved Confederate trench near the visitors' center at Cold Harbor.
COLD HARBOR:  As I stared into the deep-blue sky Saturday afternoon, the 153rd anniversary of the slaughter that took place at this most eerie of battlefields, a turkey vulture circled, circled, circled over ground still pockmarked by trenches dug by soldiers on both sides. For me, it was just another reminder of the morning of June 3, 1864, and Ulysses Grant's infamous charge across a seven-mile front.

"Black against the pale, hot sky," author Ernest B. Furgurson wrote of the birds that circled above the Cold Harbor battlefield  in early June 1864, "they drifted into sight by ones and twos, floating high above the overgrown creek bottoms and zigzag trenches. Gradually there were dozens of them, wheeling, banking, slowly spiraling lower, slipping down toward the fields so thickly dotted with Union blue."

The black vultures had come to feast on the wounded and dead.


Carmel Baptist Church was used as a Union headquarters. The Civil War-era church burned in 1874.
A painting that hangs in a Carmel Baptist Church side building shows what the church may 
have looked like during the Civil War.
Ulysses Grant and George Meade plotted strategy at the church during the Overland Campaign in 1864.
CARMEL BAPTIST CHURCH: On historic Route 1, the old Telegraph Road, history lurks around every bend. After failing to solve the mysteries of the Battle of North Anna River, a stop at this church in rural Ruther Glen proved revealing. In late May 1864, Grant and George Meade hatched plans for the rest of the Overland Campaign at Carmel Church, just north of the North Anna River. (The Civil War-era church burned down in 1874; it was replaced by the red-brick building on the site today.) Theodore Lyman, an aide to Meade, described the scene:
"If you want a horrible hole for a halt, just pick out a Virginia church, at a Virginia cross-roads, after the bulk of an army has passed, on a hot, dusty Virginia day! There was something rather funny, too. For in the broad aisle they had laid across some boards and made a table, round which sat Meade, Grant, General [Seth] Williams, etc., writing on little slips of paper. It looked precisely like a town-hall, where people are coming to vote, only the people had unaccountably put on very dusty uniforms."
During a brief visit, Gerald Castlebury, the 65-year-old pastor who's originally from Louisiana, gave me a tour of the small interior of his church. On a good Sunday, he said, Carmel Church draws 100 or so faithful to a service. (The church was known as Mount Carmel Church during the Civil War.)

On display in a side building, Castlebury pointed out a small box of Civil War relics found in the immediate area as well as an old set of Carmel Church bibles in a large, glass case. According to local lore, Caroline County was so devastated by the war that residents would pick corn kernels from the manure of horses used by Union soldiers in the hope the seeds would reap rewards during harvest season.

SOURCE: Lyman, Theodore, With Grant and Meade From the Wilderness to Appomattox, George R. Agassiz, editor, Atlantic Monthly Press, 1922.


Historic Blanford Church, a Confederate memorial, survived the Siege of Petersburg.
Grave of George Guy Johnson, a Petersburg Reserves adjutant who originally was from Connecticut.
PETERSBURG: Throughout sprawling Blandford Cemetery, Confederate flags are planted next to the graves of those who served in the Southern army. Among them is the ornate gravestone for George Guy Johnson, a 59-year-old adjutant in the Petersburg Reserves and a native of Stamford, Conn.  Johnson is one of 30,000 Confederates buried in the ancient cemetery who died during the Siege of Petersburg. A tobacconist, Johnson was wounded at the Battle of  Rive's Farm on June 9, 1864; he died the next day from "effects of wounds received in defence of his adopted city," according to words carved into his marker.


      PANORAMA: Of 1,192 Union soldiers buried at Glendale Cemetery, 234 are known.
                                      (Click at upper right for full-screen experience.)
Gravestone for three unknowns at Cold Harbor National Cemetery.
      PANORAMA: Poplar Grove Cemetery, near Petersburg battlefield (Western Front).
                                          (Click at upper right for full-screen experience.)

BIVOUACS OF THE DEAD: No one else was around as I examined pearl-white gravestones at Cold Harbor, Glendale and Poplar Grove national cemeteries. At Cold Harbor, pennies -- Lincoln side up -- had been placed atop markers toward the back of the cemetery. Before I left there Saturday afternoon, I photographed the grave of John Coakley of the 16th Maine, hoping to find out a little more about him later.

An immigrant from Ireland, Coakley, a 22-year-old day laborer from Rockland, originally enlisted in the 4th Maine in 1861. He was transferred to 38th New York, but was discharged after he was wounded in battle. He couldn't escape the war for long, however. On Aug. 7, 1863, the unmarried son of Catherine Coakley was drafted into the 16th Maine.

Gravestone for 16th Maine Private John Coakley, 
an Irish immigrant, at Cold Harbor National Cemetery.
Before he left home, John gave his hometown's mayor $140 from his bounty to help take care of his widowed mother. Catherine's husband, John, had died in Ireland in the late 1840s; she and her son John journeyed to America about 1852.

After John's "instant death" by gunshot at Cold Harbor on June 2, 1864, Catherine filed for a dependent pension. She had nine other children, "some of whom are dead," according to a document in her pension application. The "whereabouts of others, if any, she knows nothing, not having heard from them in many years; they having married and settled in distant parts of the country and unable to write."

Catherine was "entirely dependent" on financial support from John, who frequently sent money home to his mother while he was in the army.

"I knew his mother to have been unable to do but little work herself," Rockland Mayor George Wiggins noted in Coakley's claim for government assistance, "and [was] entirely without means or income of her own and no other children to render her any aid."  After John joined the army, the town of Rockland allocated Catherine $3 a month for her support. Coakley's pension claim was approved, providing her $8 a month from the U.S. government.

Whether Catherine Coakley ever visited her son's grave in far-off Virginia is unknown.

SOURCE: John Coakley pension file, National Archives & Records Service, Washington, D.C., via fold3.com.

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